A HISTORIE CON­tayning the VVarres, Treaties, Mar­riages, and other occurrents betweene England and Scotland, from King William the Conqueror, vntill the happy Vnion of them both in our gratious King IAMES.

With a briefe declaration of the first Inhabitants of this Island: And what seuerall Nations haue sithence set­led them-selues therein one after an other:

INNOCENTER SAPERE

Imprinted at London by G. Eld. 1607.

TO THE PRINCE.

MOST sweete Prince (giue mee leaue to sa­lute you,Plinie in his Preface to his na­turall hi­storie. reseruing the title of Great to your royall Father, as Plinie the worlds Historifier saluted [...]itus, whome the Senate and People called Or­bis amorem, and Delicias humani ge­neris.) This Booke at first intended to do you honour, cōmeth now to beg some honour of you. Intended to do you honour, by reuiuing and bringing to fresh memorie, the many leagues and happy mariages [Page] betweene the two kingdomes of this Iland: to worke a better con­ceit of either to other, then I found in most men, for the more easie & harty receiuing (in the fulnesse of time) of your excellent house, the common bloud of both nations, to raigne ouer vs: but that we might readily and ioyfully imbrace that, which many ages had sought, none found,Shame and confusion to the ingra­tis. and now was gratis offered vnto vs. But while I vvas framing this vvorke to this end, the vn­expected time preuented my de­signes: and let me see hovv farre Gods vvisdome and goodnesse, ex­ceeds poore mens mistie cogita­tions and deuises, filling our soules vvith comfort, by the generall ap­plause of all men, for the most [Page] happy issue of so dangerous an alteration in our state. Since which time, my Booke hath lien neglected as needlesse to the world, his end attained, and date expired.

Yet for as much as some of my friends doe censure mee for sup­pressing that which may do some good seruice (though not the great principally intended) when it is now entring the view of men, it commeth first to beg this ho­nour of you, to grace the fronti­spice with your most Gratious name, and sheild it with your pa­tronage. And since by your Princely and powrefull aspect (without deminution of his su­per-eminent Maiestie, whence [Page] you deriue it) you resemble the Sunne in the firmanent, which receaueth light from none (the Creator excepted) but giueth light and life to all inferiour bo­dies: vouchsafe the beames of your fauour vpon it, to illustrate the obscuritie of the Author, and the meanesse of the worke. So shall my heart be more inflamed (if yet that be possible) with your loue, and my booke more wel­come to all mens reading. I rest euer to be commanded by your Highnesse.

EDWARD AYSOV.

To the Reader.

I Haue here (curteous reader) vndertaken to set downe in a continued discourse, whatso­euer hath passed betweene England & Scotland from the last Conquest, vntill the de­cease of our late Soueraigne (neuer to be forgot­ten) the renowned Elizabeth. My trauel con­sisteth wholy in this, that I haue reduced into an entire History, a true report of things passed which al other writers before me (as farre as I know) haue deliuered onely by partes and peece-meales: whereby you may with more delight and facility conceiue and digest the coherence of the whole, and withall carrie the matter the better in memory. The chiefe & principal rea­son which mooued mee to take this taske vpon me, I shall not neede to speake of in this place, [Page] hauing touched it before in my Epistle to the Prince, and made it so apparent throughout my whole Booke, as that the reader may decerne it running. For though the right and title of King Iames was pregnant enough, and euen palpable to euery valgar capacitie: Neuerthelesse what reason the best affected to the same had, to fore­cast some perill in his Maiesties accesse and pas­sage vnto it, the sequell hath declared. But it pleased the Lord our good God (the disposer of mens wills and affections so to worke in the heartes of our graue and most prudent Se­nate, as by them he brought that to passe, with­in the tearme of very few howers, which (if the aduersaries vnto our happinesse had had their wils) would not in so many monthes, nay happi­ly yeares haue bin attained vnto. For, did they not by proclaiming his Maiesty in tempore oportuno, without delay preuent the malice of those two raging Buls (not of Bashan, but of Typical Babilō, Reuel. 18. that is to say Rome) whose pestiferous breath might otherwise haue poiso­ned and infected we know not how many male-contents and seditious Romanistes. Against [Page] the former King Dauid alone complained,Psal. 22. but of the latter how many Kings & Emperors shal we read of, that haue bin fronted and foyled, ma­ny brought downe to their knees, others laid groueling on their faces, some thrust out of their Kingdōes, & some gored euen vnto death.Psal. 28. But (O Lord) saue thy people & giue thy bles­sing vnto thine inheritance. &c. An other reason ayming at the same end was this. That wheras the Chronicles of both Nations containe matter of reproach and disgrace one against the other: I haue had an especiall care to carry my selfe so indifferently betweene them as I hope neither of both shall haue iust cause to take of­fence therat. So as in that respect if any at all may be admitted (which none J thinke will op­pugne) then shall this of mine haue priueledge before all other that J know. Since wee al now: happily become Subiects vnto one most gratious Soueraigne, let vs value one the others vertues at one and the same price, and setting apart all partialitie, detraction, and vaine glo­ry, let vs deuide the true honour and glorie attayned on both sides indifferētly betweene vs. [Page] Are we not all (for the most part) the broode and off-spring of the same parents, the auntient English Saxons? what preheminence then shall wee giue to the one Nation aboue the other? Admit the Englishmen haue beene victorious in more battailes, haue entred more often and passed further in Hostile manner into the others Countries and dominions, and haue gotten grea­ter booties both by Land and Sea: what then? is not this our Nation farre more populous and plentifull of all store of prouision and comple­ments pertayning to warre? Whereof then shall wee boast? These vauntes are therefore full of vanitie: Let vs now contende who shall giue more sincere and acceptable praise and thankes to the Almighty, who in loue to both hath now at length made vs of two discording Nations one peaceable people vnder one Prince, not by conquest (the mother of confusion) but by an happy seede and off-spring proceeding from the successe of marriage, his holy ordinance: Whereby the memory of all fore-passed displea­sures and vnkindnesse is buried in perpetual ob­liuion. Many haue longed & laboured to worke [Page] this blessed Vnion. How many lost their liues in the ouer vehement pursute of the intended mar­riage betweene King Edward the sixt, and Mary the late Queene of Scottes: the successe whereof, if it had beene effected, was much to be doubted. But the Eternall God in his wise­dome reserued this notable worke to a more fit season, for the good especially of his Church, ha­uing now not onely vnited vs vnder the ex­ternall and ciuill gouernment of a terrestriall Monarchy, but also in a sincere obedience and right seruice of himselfe vnder the spirituall raigne of his eternall Sonne our Lord Iesus Christ, the Almighty Monarch ouer Heauen and Earth. What Nation now in the whole world hath generally intertayned and submit­ted it selfe to the obedience of the written word (deliuered of more auncient time by the Pro­phets of God, and lasty by the Sonne of God him-selfe and his Apostles) but this our happy Island? These holy bookes we receiue for the on­ly infallible Oracles of God, what is more (con­cerning our Saluation) we reiect as Superstiti­ous and Derogatory to the euerlasting word of God: What is lesse wee hold ouer weake [Page] and Imperfect: let Pope and Potentate, the whole power of Antichrist doe their worst, the Lord by this Vnion hath now established that peace to his Church within this Island, that it shal be a sanctuary to all the true pro­fessors of his name, euen (I doubt not) to the ende of the world. To whom there­fore bee giuen all honour and praise for euer and euer. And let all true subiects to King Iames our dread Soueraigne say there-to. Amen. Cotham in Lincolnshiere 24. Martii. 1606.

Thy louing friend Edward Ayscu.

A BRIEFE DECLARA­tion, who were first Inhabitants of this Island: and what seuerall Nations haue sithence setled them­selues therein one after another.

TO let passe the Fables of Dioclesian his Daughters, and of their successors the Troyans, vnder the conduct of (I know not what) Brute, coyned in some Munkish mint about foure hundred yeares agone, and generally receaued for currant paiment, during the time wherein ignorance preuailed ouer the face of the earth, like vnto the palpable darknesse of Egipt: I will begin this my History of our famous Island of Britaine, with a short declaration of the first in­habitance of the same, grounded vpon such proofes, as by probable coniectures out of the best and most ancient Authors, shall seeme to come neerest to the truth.

Moyses expreslie testifieth, that the pos [...]ty of [...]apheth, the first sonne of Noah, inhabited the fur­thest parts of Europe. Ab his seperate sunt postea re­giones Gentium, &c. Genes. 10. These men speaking of the Sonnes of Iapheth) deuided amongst them the countries of the Gentils, which were seperated from the Iewes by the Mediterranian Sea towards the North, as the Prophet Ezechiel expoundeth these words, Chap. 38. Gomerum cum omnibus ag­minibus suis, domum Togarmi ad latera Aquilonis, &c Gomere and all his bands, and the house of Togar­mah of the North parts, &c. And againe in the same Chapter. Postquam veniens è loco suo à lateri­bus Aquilonis tu & populi tui tecum: that is, com­ming afterwards (speaking of Gomer) from his abiding place out of the North coasts, thou and thy people with thee.

Thus then wee may assure our selues, that all the nations of Europe tooke their beginning from the posterity of Iapheph. But now if it be deman­ded, what people of his progeny first setled them­selues in this Island? I answer brieflie, euen they which inhabited that part of the continent, that bordereth neerest vpon our coast, where the di­stance is no greater then that it may be discoue­red by the eye. For as water being slowly powred vpon an euen and round table, will naturally from the center spred it selfe equally on euery way not leauing any part vntouched, vntill by little and little the whole be couered therewith: euen so it [Page 3] was in the propagation of man-kind. For as peo­ple increased, they dispersed them-selues towards all the quarters of heauen on euery side, where they might haue free passage, wherein the proui­dence of the Almightie Creator is worthy due obseruation, hauing in such sort disposed and fa­shioned the Globe, being deuided and seperated into land and sea, as that no part of the earth is further distanced from some other, but may bee discouered by interview. But now it may be de­manded, how the people were called that first transported themselues hither? Here-vnto Iose­phus and Zonoras make answer. Qui nunc sunt Galli, Gomari, Gomeraei & Gomeritae, a Gomero vocabantur. The people now called Gaules (say they) were be­fore that named Gomiries or Gomerites of Gomer. These were afterwards by the Latines called Cim­bri. For Cicero called those Barbarians whom Ma­rius repulsed: Gaules whom all Historiographers haue since called Cimbri. In like manner Appian witnesseth, that they who vnder the leading of Brennus attempted the spoile of the Temple at Delphos in Greece (whom all writers with one con­sent hold to be the Gaules) were called Cimbri. Al­so it appeareth by the Prophet Ezechiell in the place of Scripture before cited, that the Cimbri­ans were the off-spring of Gomer, and so conse­quently Gaules, for their habitation agreeth with the words of the Prophet, being scituated be­yond Thrace, about the Lake Meotides, as appea­reth [Page] by the Cimbrian straite, and the Citie adioy­ning, both which tooke their names of their in­habitance the Cimbrians, whence being driuen by the Scithians towards the West, as Herodotus wit­nesseth, passing thorow the countries of Russia, Lituania, Liuonia and Borussia, they attained at length vnto the Germaine Ocean, wherevpon that part of Denmarke tooke likewise the name of Cimbrica Chersonesus. And afterwards inlarging their dominion on both sides of the Rheene, they setled themselues alongst the coast ouer-against vs, from whence they passed by a short cut, ouer into this Island.

And here vnto also Caesar and Tacitus agree, both affirming that the Britaines tooke begin­ning from their next neighbours the Gaules. Beda (an ancient writer) affirmeth as much in these words. In primis haec insula Britones solum (a quibus nomen accepit) incolas habuit, qui de tractu Armor [...] [...]ano (vt fertur) Britanniam aduecti australes sibi partes illius vendicarunt. This Island (saith Bede) was first inhabited by the Britaines, of whome it tooke the name of Britaine, who being transpor­ted hither from the coast Armorick (whereby hee meaneth the coast of France) did chalenge vnto themselues the South-parts thereof.

Thus we see in what manner the posteritie of Gomer (the Gaules our next neighbours) first en­tred and possessed this Island, being the vttermost confines of Europe. And herein the prouidence of [Page 5] God is also to be obserued, who by the significa­tion of the name of our first parent in this part of the world, foreshewed his purpose therein. For Gomer in the holy tongue, is by translation into Latin, Finiens, that is, termining and ending, as Melancton noteth.

It may be further demanded what affinitie in pronunciation and sound haue these words, Go­merites or Gomeries with the Brittish language? I answer, not a little. For the Welch-men at this day (who are the remnant of the Brittish bloud) call them-selues Kumerie or Kumeroe, the women Kumerues, which differ very little in sound from the former.

How commeth it then to passe, that this Island hath beene some-times called Albion, and more lately Britaine, which names can by no meanes be etimologed, either from Gomerie, Kumerie, or the Gaules, the first inhabitance thereof, as hath beene prooued? The name Albion no doubt was first gi­uen it by the Gretians, whose maner it was (as Maister Camden well obserueth) to bestow names on all nations of their owne inuention. As for example, they called the Chusians (who tooke that name of Chus their first parent,) Aethiopians of their blacknesse: So it may well be that they cal­led this Iland Albion, of the Greeke word [...], which signifieth White (whereof the Alpes take their name) because vpon the Sea coasts many white Rocks appeare to such as passe by the same. [Page 6] And the Welch-men doe at this day call this land in their language Iniswen, Inis gwyn. that is, the White Iland. Or else they called it Albion, of Albion the sonne of Neptune, in like maner as they vainely and vn­truly call Italie Hesperia of Hesperus the sonne of Atlas, & as they called Gallia, Gallatia of a daughter of Poliphemus of that name. But vpon what occasi­on soeuer this name was first giuen, most certaine it is, that to distinguish this Iland from the rest lying about it, the Graecians first called it Albion.

As for the other name Britania, I preferre the opinion of Maister Camden, who compoundeth the same of the word Brit or Brith, which in the British tongue signifieth Painted, and of Tania a Greeke word signifying Region or Country. So as Britania is as much to say, as the country of the pain­ted men. The Latines receiued the name Britaniae from the Graecians, as they did these other, Mauri­tenia, that is, the country of the Moores. Lusitaniae the countrie of Lusus: and Aquitania ad aquas re­gio, that is, a country bordering vpon the Sea; in maner as the British name Armorica signifieth su­per mare, that is, vpon the Sea. Of this word Brith a Briton is called in the British Histories Brithon. And no doubt the Romaines afterwards called the Britons, Picti, of the custome they had to Painte themselues; ‘—Nec falso nomine Pictos:—Edomuit’ (saith Claudian the Poet) He tamed the Pictes, not vntruly so called of their custome to Painte [Page 7] their bodies. And Isiodore: Non abest genti Picto­rum nomen à corpore, &c. The Pictes (saith hee) wanted not a denomination of a custome they had to paint them-selues. For hauing with a Needle pricked some part of their bodies, they infused there-into certaine colours of hearbes and flow­ers, for an ornament to the better sort amongst them: neither were these Picts any other then the naturall Britaines, who refusing to become sub­iect to the Romaines, abandoned themselues into the furthest parts of the land Northwards, where liuing vnto them-selues, they retained their an­cient and barbarous customes, from which the other Britaines were reclaimed by the ciuill be­hauiour of the Romaines, who there-vpon for distinction sake, gaue to those Northerne Bri­taines (then become enimies to the other) the name of Picts. But by Dion, Tacitus, and Herodian, they were neuer otherwise called, then by the common name to the people of this nation, viz. Britaines. Ausonius calleth them the Caledian Britaines, because they inhabited the more hard and barraine part of the Iland, for Kaledon in the Brittish tongue signifieth as much. Thus wee haue attained (I take it) the certaine know­ledge what people first inhabited this our I­land, and how it came by the former ancient names.

Now it followeth, that I should declare what forraine nations haue from time to time, come [Page 8] from other partes, and sought habitation heere also. It apeareth manifestlie by the search of all ancient recordes, that vntill the comming of the Romaines this Iland was neuer attempted by in­uasion, neither is there any memory made of the Brittaines vntill that time. But when Iulius Caesar that valiant and mightie Conqueror had sub­dewed the Gaules euen vnto the coast ouer a­gainst vs, and there beholding a newe vnknowne worlde, offring it selfe as it were a preie to his hautie minde, hee had not the power to confine his Conquestes with the Ocean, but to giue the more glorie vnto his name and his nation, hee forth-with addressed him selfe for the conquest of the same, and hauing prouided all things fit for so valerous an exploite, with much difficul­tie and small aduantage hee ariued here in the foure and fiftith yeare before the incarnation of our Lord and Sauiour Iesus Christ, with which intertainement being much discontented he de­parted, but returning the next spring better fur­nished, he preuailed so much against Cassibelan and his Britaines, that the king beeing vnwilling to hazard the losse of the whole land, perswaded his compeers to become tributarie to the Ro­maine Monarchie. Caesar here-with satisfied; at the approch of winter departed home-wards, hau­ing (as Tacitus saieth) only shewed Britaine to his nation, for during the space of twentie years af­ter (as Dion his words import) the Britaines were [Page 9] gouerned by their owne Kings and accustomed lawes, without any Romaine Lieutenant amongst them. Neuerthelesse it apeareth by Strabo, that certaine British Princes procuring by Ambas­sage and duetifull demenour the amitie of the Emperor Augustus (who purposed in person to haue come hither) offred in the Capitol to the Romaine Gods presents and gifts, and withal sub­mitted themselues vnto his Soueraignty & pro­tection, as vassales to the Empire. After this Clau­dius and Vespatian subdewing the Brittains redu­ced those partes that lie vpon the coast of France to the obedience of the Romaines, who in pro­cesse of time ouerran the best part of the Iland gouerning the same by Lieutenants, so as after an hundred years from their first arriuall, Iulius, Agricola (Domitian being Emperor) conquered the whole, & with his nauy first compassed the same, being before vnknown, whether it were an Iland or part of the continēt & firme land. The Romaines reseruing to themselues and their sub­iects the more fertile and commodious part of Land, left vnto the barbarous Brittaines which would not yeeld to their subiection, the Nor­therne, cold and lesse frutefull soile.

The Britaines continewed in their due obedi­ence vntill the declining estate of the Empire vn­der Theodosius and Valentinian, about fiue hun­dred yeares from their first compact with Iulius Caesar, at what time the Romaine legions beeing [Page 10] drawne hence for the defence of France, the Brit­tish nation was leaft a preie to there bordering e­nemies the Pictes and Scottes, who togither assai­led them so furiouslie that they were in the ende driuen for their defence to call the Saxons ouer to their aide, as hereafter in place more fit shal­be declared.

During the Romaine Soueraigntie the Brit­taines sundrie times opposed themselues against the same. Amongst whome Caraticus was first, but after many sharpe encounters hee was at length discomfited, by Ostorius Scapula and sent Captiue to Rome, for which victorie the Senate had determined at his returne to haue receaued him home with triumph. The strange courage of the Ladie Voadicia, the widowe of Prasatugus exceeded all other of that sexe. For hauing in re­ueng of manie iniuries done vnto her by the Ro­maines, assembled an huge armie, she there-with preuailed so mightily, that had not Paulinus (the Romaine Lieutenant) by aduantage of place in a battaile subdewed her, she had well neere resto­red the Britaines to their ancient libertie; Calga­gus likewise made good triall of his valor in a desperate conflict or two against, Agricola. Prince Aruiragus, was held verie renowned with the Romains themselues, of whome Iuvenal wry­teth to Domitian.

Iuvenal. Sat. 4.
Omen habes (inquit) magni clarique triumphi:
Regem aliquem capies, aut de temone Britanno [Page 11] excidet Aruiragus.

It is not be doubted but there were many other Brittaines, who beeing both at home and abroad continuallie inured and trained vp in martial dis­cipline by the Romaines, atcheeued as great esti­mation in those daies as any other people of the world.

Though this subiection to the Romaine Mo­narchie was manie times offensiue to the Brit­taines, by reason of the insolencie of such vnto whome the administration of Iustice was some­times committed by the Emperours: neuerthe­lesse the people were nurtured and framed to a more ciuile carriage of themselues in there or­dinarie behauiour, and also were disciplinated by them in the practize of warre and good let­ters, whereof it came to passe that this nation re­ceaued in this time (in some measure) the know­ledge of God, in the profession of the name and diuine nature of the God and man Iesus Christ the eternall Sonne of God, in whome alone the Fa­ther is manifested vnto the world. For though as yet the Romaine Emperors thēselues had not embraced Christianitie, yet (no doubt) manie of those Romaines that liued heere and married with the Brittaines, were professors of Christ, tho­rough the preaching and good example of life of those their true pastors and Bishops, who for the space of three hundred yeares togither liued continuallie in persecution, sealing the [Page 12] certaintie and truth of their doctrine, with m [...]st horrible tortures and torments euen vnto death The Brittish King, that first together with his peo­ple receiued the badge of Christian profession, was named therevpon Lucius, which commeth of the Latine word Lux, alluding (as I take it) to that place of Esay, cap. 60. vers. 3. where it is said of Christ; And the Gentiles shall walke in the light, and Kings at the brightnesse of thy rising vp: and herewith agreeth Nennius: Lucius rex agnomine Leuer Maur, id est, magni splendoris, propter fidem quae in eius tempore venit.

Last of all, it is to be obserued, that during the gouernment of the Romaines here, there was no absolute King ouer the whole Island, or any king­lie succession ouer any part thereof, as Galfred and his followers would make vs beleeue, who haue vainely registred them in order: But diuerse Noble-men of good desert amongst the Britaines, such as Edgidunus (of whom Tacitus writeth) and those other which I haue before named, were admitted by especiall fauour of the Romaine Em­perours, to bee sometimes intituled Kings ouer some part of the Realme, so long as they acknow­ledged to hold their places vnder them, as of their head and soueraigne Lord, wherein they graced, and gaue the more glory to their Empe­riall Maiestie.

Now it followeth, that I should declare what people the Scots were, who ioyning themselues [Page 13] with the Picts the Caledonian Britaines, inuaded with such violence those other Britaines that were subiect to the Romaine Empire. First it is held most certaine, that before the time of Con­stantine the great, there was no mention made of them in any writer, whereby it seemeth that till then their name was vnknowne to the world. Giraldus Cambrensis in his Booke of the Instituti­on of a Prince, writeth; That at what time Maxi­mus (who vsurped the gouernment ouer the Bri­taines) passed ouer into Gaule with a mighty Ar­mie, euen the strength of the whole Island, to possesse himselfe of the Emperiall Diadem, the two brothers and partners in the gouernment thereof, Gratian and Valentinian sent hither by Sea, certaine bands of Gothes and Scithians to in­uade the land, to the end thereby to procure his returne, for the defence thereof, and so to preuent his malice intended against them by that his am­bit [...]ous enterprice. These Barbarians being ari­ued, tooke the aduantage of the time, seized vpon the North parts of the Island, and expulsing the inhabitants, possessed themselues of that coun­try. But as Amianus writeth in his nine and twen­tith Booke, Maximus at his returne subdued those Scithians (whom he calleth Scots) and slew Eugenius their Captaine. These being thus expel­led, transported themselues into Ireland, where they remained vntill the raigne of the great O­neale, for so writeth the foresaid Girald in his [Page 14] description of Brittaine, Nello magno Hiberniae mo­narchiam obtinente, sex filij Muredi regis Vltoniae boreales Britannae partes occuparunt, vndè ab his gens propagata: et specificato vocabulo Scotia vocata vs (que) in hodiernum, angulum illum inhabitant, Neale the great (saith hee) hauing obtained the absolute Soueraigntie ouer Ireland, sixe sonnes of Mure­de King of Vlster possessed the North partes of Brittaine, of whome afterwards sprong a Nation called by a peculier name Scotland, which vnto this day inhabiteth that corner. Thus it appea­reth that the name Scotland was then first giuen vnto that angle of Brittaine to make a difference as it seemeth betweene the same, and that part of Ireland from whence these people came thither, whervpon it came to passe afterwards, that their former habitation and Country was called the greater Scotland, and the latter, the lesse Scotland: which alone at this daie retayneth that name. But to come more neere to the knowledg [...] of the time of this transmigration of these Sonnes of Murede, wee finde that while Laigerius the Sonne of this great Neale succeded him in Ire­land, Pope Celestine sent Patrick thither, Palladius into Scotland, and Germanus to the Brittaines to roote out the Pelagian heresie. This Caelesti­ne became Bishoppe of Rome not aboue two yeares before Valentinian the third was admitted by Theodosius the second into fellowship with him in the gouernment of the Empire, and conti­newed [Page 15] bishoppe not fullie ten yeares: hereby it should seeme that these Irish Scottes first setled themselues in this Island, about the beginning of the raigne of the Emperour Honorius, where­with agreeth Iohannes Maior, according to the computation of Functius. The Scots (saith he) re­turned into Brittaine, hauing beene banished from thence three and fortie yeares, but hee fai­leth in that his account of the number of yeares, as Functius well obserueth, who maketh the ouer­throwe that Maximus gaue Eugenius, to come to passe about the tenth yeare of Valentinian brother to Gratian, but some twentie yeares before.

The Scotts hauing then laied a sure foundati­on in a corner of this Island, committed the So­ueraigntie ouer them vnto Fergusius, Nephew to the fore-said Eugenius, in the yeare of our Lord God (after Functius) foure hundred and foure, a­bout seauen yeares after their returne out of Ire­land: in which time they had inlarged there king­dome South-ward vnto the Scottish sea, now cal­led the frith of Scotland. About sixescore years af­ter, as may be gathered out of Beda, the North­umbrian Saxons beeing at ciuile dissention a­mongst themselues, and greatlie weakened by the often inuasion of the Danes, the Scottes taking the aduantage, entred further into the Land, and inlarged their dominion ouer a great part of their Countrie, which before was [Page 16] extended to the riuer of Cluide, as by all antiquity is confessed. Herevpon (as Maister Camden well obserueth) it commeth to passe, that the Scottes who now inhabite the East coast, called Low-land-men, are descended from the English-Saxons, and still speake the same language. But the High-land-men Westward are naturall Scots, and speake their ancient and peculiar Irish. But for more manifest proofe that the Gothes which were sent hither by the foresaid Romaine Emperors, were the very same people that were afterwards called Scottes, it is not to bee omitted (as Maister Camden also well obserueth) that as the Lowe-land-men of Ger­manie call both Gothes and Scottes by one and the same name Scutten: so the Britaines (as appeareth out of their Histories) called them both I-Scot. King Alfread, who translated Orosius aboue sixe hundred yeares agoe, turned the Latine worde Scotos into Scittan. And at this day our borderers call them Skitts and Sketts more often then Scots. There are also certaine Islands beyond those of Orkney now called Scetlant, which no doubt tooke that name of their inhabitants the Sketts. Thus it appeareth plainely enough, that the name Scott was first giuen them by the Pictes their next neighbours and confederates, where-vpon the Saxons afterwards called their countrie Scotlandt, in maner as they called the Isle from whence they came Gotlandt.

The Emperour Valentinian the younger, being [Page 17] forced thorough want of o [...]her meanes to trans­port his bands from thence into Gaule for the de­fence thereof: the wealth of this land was not on­ly therby wasted, but the strength also much aba­ted, by reason whereof the poore Britaines were left for a prey to their enemies the Pictes & Scots, against whom they were in the end compelled to call in the Saxons for their defence. These stran­gers crossing the Easterne seas, arriued here in great numbers, and were friendly intertained of Vortigerne (to whom the Brittaines had commit­ted the soueraignty ouer them) about the yeare of our Lord God 449. The enemy beeing repul­sed, and the Realme by their helpe reduced to a more quiet estate, the Saxons became so farre in loue and liking with this Land, that they had no good will to returne home againe. Wherefore beeing growne to a mighty People (for daylie they still flocked hither) vnder some colourable pretence of quarrell, they became friends (for the time) with the Pictes and Scots, and bent all their force against the Brittaines. Thus were they brought to a most miserable estate by them in whom they reposed greatest confidence, not foreseeing how dangerous a thing it is for any nation to entertaine a forraine aide, ouer-mighty to bee commanded at their pleasure. For after some resistance made by those two Martiall Bri­tish Princes Aurelius Ambrosius, and King Arthur, in the end they were expelled out off the more [Page 18] firtill parts into the Westerne corners of the I­land, called thereupon by the Saxons, Britwalsh, and Cornwalsh, now Wales and Cornwall, where through the naturall strength by situation, they might the better saue themselues from their e­nemies, who neuer ceassed to pursue them. The Saxon word Walsh signifieth Foraine, accounting the Britaines, aliens and strangers vnto thē. Wales hath euen hitherto retained both the language and linage of the antient Brittaines, but the Corn­walsh Brittaines, being neither so many nor so well defended by the mountaines reliefe as the other, were in short time forced to transport thēselues to their Countrimen the Britaines on the other side of the Sea, who not long before (beeing ca­ried ouer by Maximus the Vsurper (as is afore­said) had by force planted themselues in that Prouince then called Armorica, of the significa­tion thereof, as I haue already noted. Of this transmigration, of these first Brittaines, Iulius Sca­liger thus writeth,

Vicit Aremoricas animosa Britannia gentes,
Et dedit imposito, nomina prisca iugo.

The Saxons being thus setled in this Iland, deui­ded the same into seauen principalities or little Kingdomes, which continued in that estate till Egbert the seuententh from Cerdicius the first King of the West Saxons, subduing foure of the other Saxon Kings, tooke vpon him the Soue­raigntie ouer the whole, ordaining that from [Page 19] thenceforth it shall be called Englandt, about the yeare of our Lord God, 810. After an hundred and fortye yeares from thence his successors brought vnder their subiection the two other Prouinces. So that in the end the former Hep­tarchie was reduced to a Monarchie,

These Saxons were not all one people but con­sisted of three seuerall Nations. viz. The Angles (who as it appeareth by their possessions heere, were the greatest number) the Iutes, & the Saxons, but they were all the Inhabitants of some part or other of Denmarke. For proofe whereof, besides the authoritie of Bede, Maister Camden citeth an ancient Author, Fabius Ethelwardus who writeth thus. Anglia vetus sita est inter Saxones & Gio­tos, habens opidum capitale quod sermone Saxoni­co Sleswick, secundum vero Danos Haithby. that is, The old England is situate between the Saxons and the Iutes, whose chiefe Towne was cald by the Saxons Sleswick, but by the Danes Hathbie. And as Maister Camden well obserueth there is at this day a prouince in Denmarke thereabout called Angell, from whence he supposeth that these An­gells or Angles came hither.

These people were generally addicted to super­stitious paganisme sacrificing humaine flesh to their Idolls, among whom Wooden and Fria were of greatest account. To him they dedica­ted the third day of the weeke, to her the fift cal­ling them after their names Woodensday & Friday [Page 20] appropriated to the seruice of them through out the whole yeare. Besides these they had an other Goddesse named Eoster in the honor of whō they did yearely offer sacrifice in the month of Aprill wherupon the feast of the Pascall cōming alwaies in or nere that month, was & is still called Easter. The word (I take it) commeth from the Greeke word [...], whō the Latins called Aurora, which is the first appearance of the Sun in the East, which the Germaines call Oost, whereupon I gather that their Eoster, was the diuine worship which these Pagans gaue the Sun at his rising in that month, reioysing at the approch of Sommer. In imitati­on of whom the Christians haue since vsed in time of prayer to turne their faces towardes the East, according to the manner of the standing of our Churches East & West. Hereby it appeareth that by the cōming of the Saxons the profession of Christ, which before had taken some little roote, was now exterpate & plucked vp. But after 150. years from their first arriuall it pleased the Lord to enlighten their vnderstanding by the reading of his word, with some knowledge of him, a­mongst whom Ethelbert of Kent was the first King that together with his subiects receiued Baptis­me (the badge of our profession) at the hands of Augustin, whō Gregory Bishop of Rome sent hither to preach the Gospell. But the Religion of Rome was euen thē so blemished with humaine traditi­ons & superstitious ceremonies (the inuention of [Page 21] mans braine) that the same consisted more in out­ward appearance and show, then in substance of sound Doctrine, out off the pure word of God, the writings of the Prophets and Apostles.

Egbert hauing resumed the title of absolute King ouer the whole Land, and promising vnto himselfe and his posteritie, the sole Soueraign­tie ouer the same: the height of his conceiued happinesse was sodainly shaken by a mighty tem­pest out off the East againe. For the Danes arri­uing here in his time, did afterwardes so much preuaile against the Englishmen, as that within the space of two hundred yeares, Swane King of Denmarke, hauing attained the possession of the whole Realme, left the same vnto Canutus his sonne, who together with his two sonnes did successiuely raigne one after another about twen­ty yeares. After the death of the two brothers the gouernement of the Land returned to the English bloud in the person of King Edward surna­med the Confessor, in whom also it ended for a season. This seruitude vnder the Danes was more grieuous then any other before or after it, as Hollinshead well obserueth. For the Romaines v­sed all kind of curtesie to those Brittaines which continued in dutifull obedience, alwayes defen­ding thē from their enemies malice, & admitting them kings and rulers of their owne nation. The Saxons, and the Normans hauing in short time attained the Soueraignty, gaue speedy end to the [Page 22] miseries and mischieues incident to a conquest. But the Danes a long time molesting the land by their seuerall inuasions, did not so much desire to become conquerors, as to make a continuall spoile and prey of the inhabitants, whereby the Land was most extremely vexed and impoueri­shed.

These Danes were a people, that long after the ariual of the Saxons here, succeeded them in their former habitations, beeing transported thither out of the easterne Countries, from some part of Scandia, of whome these peninsule or Ile-like prouinces first tooke the name of Dane-marshe, because they lie low, subiect to the ouer flowing of the sea, according to the nature of marish ground. Now the Country by corruption of speech is called Denmarke.

The fourth and last conquest ouer this land was made by the Normans. The manner whereof Maister Camden (now Clarentiaulx king at armes) hath very compendiously deliuered in the Latin tongue, wherefore it shalbe sufficient for mee in this place to followe him word by word in as good English as I can make him speake, as as for the most part I haue done hitherto.

Edward the confessor being dead without is­sue, the nobles and commons were at there witts end, how to resolue about the admittance of a new King. Edgar (surnamed Atheling) grand­child to Edmond Ironside by his Father was the [Page 23] onely issue male of the Saxon bloud, to whome the crowne by right of inheritance pertayned. But he beeing thought vnfit to gouerne by rea­son of his minority, and hauing beene also bred and brought vp in Pannonia, by his Mother A­gathe Daughter to the Emperour Henrie the third, was not so gratious in the eyes of the Eng­lishmen, who regarded nothing more, then to haue one to raigne ouer them of their owne na­tion. Therefore both the eies and heartes well neere of all men were wholie fixed and setled in affection vpon Harold the Sonne of Godwine highlie honored and renowned for his singuler dexterity in managing the affaires of estate, as well in time of warre as of peace. For although hee had no cause to boast of Nobility, receauing that onelie of his Mothers side, and that his Fa­ther had stayned himselfe with a perpetuall note of infamie. Neuerthelesse by his curtious car­riage towards all men, his liberality, and manlie corrage, hee was generally exceedingly fauored. Neither was their any other in whome was found more boldnesse to incounter an intended mischiefe, or of better foresight how to auoide it. His late victory ouer the Welchmen was so glorious in the iudgement of the people, that he seemed to want no good accomplement, re­quisite in a great Commander as though he had purposely beene borne to restore and vphold the English Empire.

As for the Danes who were then the greatest terror to this nation, It was hoped hee should finde them fauorable enough because Edithe his mother was sister to Swane then King of Den­marke. If any other resistance should arise either at home or else-where, hee seemed to be suffici­ently garded not onely by the hands and heartes of the communalty, but also by his affinity in bloud, & alliance with the nobility, for his wife was sister to the two brothers Morkar and Edwine the greatest men in the Land, and Edrick surna­med the forester (a man of an aspiring minde and in high authority) was also neerelie allied vnto him. Withall it fell out fortunatly for him that the Danish King was then set on worke at home by his enimy the Sweaden. And Philip of France was nothing gracious to the Normaine Duke, be­cause hee much misliked that Edward the confes­sour had in the time of his banishment and a­boade in Normandie, couenanted to make the Duke his heire to the Crowne of England after him, if hee should decease without issue of his bodie. For the performance whereof Harold had offered to become his suretie and assurance, and further had thereunto bound himsselfe vnto the Duke by oath, while hee also remained Cap­tiue with him, promising withall to marie his daughter. For this cause many thought it the best course to make the Duke their king, the rather by keeping promise with him, not only for that they [Page 13] war otherwise threatned, & the miseries cōmon­ly in flicted for the punishment of periury might thereby be auoyded, but also for that by the addi­tion of Normandie vnto the crowne of England, vnder so mighty a Prince, the realme should bee much strengthned and the common-wealth in­riched. But Harold preuenting further consulta­tion, euen vpon the same daie on which the de­ceassed King was put into his graue, hee forth­with put the Crowne on his head without fur­ther solemnity. This act did not a little offend the Cleargie, as beeing a breach of the Church her holie ordinance. Wherefore to salue that sore (being not ignorant how hard a thing it is for a Prince newlie aduanced, to hold his authoritie without the opinion at least of vertue and piety) & the better to confirme the same, hee left no­thing vndone that might aduāce & pleasure the ecclesiastical estate either for matter of profit or ornament. Further he entertained the noble men with al kinde of curtisies, especially Edgar Athe­ling whō hee created Earle of Oxford. As for the communalty they were well cased in their accu­stomed taxation & paimēts. And on those that li­ued in want he bestowed liberal maintenance. To conclude his affability & curtious speech, his re­dinesse to heare others speake, his indifferency and vpright carriage betweene party and party in matter of controuersie, made him both beloued & feared: the best supporters of authority. When [Page 26] the Duke of Normandy had inteligence of the death of the King, & what had followed thervpō in England, he seemed not so much trobled with the losse of his Kinsman, as to thinke that there­with he should loose a Kingdom, wherof his cōfi­dent hopes had already taken ful possessiō. Wherfore he presently sent ouer some of his Counsell, on ambassage to Harold, to put him in minde of his former promise, and accordingly to demand the Crowne as of right it appertained to him. Wherevnto after some deliberation they recei­ued answer. viz. First, for the promise made by the late deceassed King, it was of no force seeing it rested not in his powre alone, to dispose of the Kingdome of England at his pleasure, neyther though the King might haue done it, was hee bound to yeeld therevnto because he came to the Crowne not by right of succession, but by free election. And as concerning his owne promise and oath, hee was vnwillinglie in the time of captiuitie drawne therevnto by force, fraud, and feare of perpetuall imprisonment, made to the preiudice or the Realme, and the authotitie of the three estates of the same, and therefore they were to bee reputed voide and of no validitie, which hee neither ought to performe, neither (though he would) had he any warrant thereto, seeing the deceassed King was not acquainted therewith, nor yet had his subiects consent vnto it. Finally that the Duke had no reason to make [Page 27] claime to the Crowne of England considering he was a stranger to the Saxon bloud and linage, he himselfe beeing now by generall consent and ap­plause of the whole Nation lawfully established in that Throne. The Duke was not a little dis­pleased with this answer, esteeming it a bare and badde excuse wherewith to colour his periurie. Therfore hee forth-with sent ouer againe other Ambassadors more seriously to admonish him, what conscience hee ought to make of an oath, how odious the breach thereof was both to God and man, not onely deseruing punishment in this life, dishonor & endlesse infamie, but withall de­struction of body and soule in the world to come. Harold now vnderstanding that the Dukes daugh­ter was dead, who before was affianced vnto him vpon his former promise and oath, and was the very foundation and ground-work for the same: these men were entertained with lesse curtesy thē the former, neither could they get other answer of him, thē before he had made. Now did al things tend to open war. The Nauy was forth-with fur­nished of all complements pertaining there-to: Souldiers were mustered, watch and ward set a­longst the sea-coast, especially in places of most aduantage for the enemies landing, and whatso­euer else was thought commodious either for de­fence or offence was with all speede put in readi­nes. First of al, Tosty the Kings brother (besides al mens expectation) gaue the on-set. This Man [Page 28] being ambitiously minded, sometimes gouerned in great authoritie ouer the Northumbrians, but abusing his place by too much seuerity ouer his inferiors, extreame arrogancie and pride towards his soueraigne, and malice and enuie at the ad­uancement of his owne Brothers, he was deser­uedly banished by King Edward, and liued after­wardes in France. Tostie, at the instigation of Bald­win Earle of Flanders, and of the Duke of Nor­mandie, as it was thought (both hauing married Baldwines daughters) began nowe to pursue his Brother with open warre, whom long before he had deadly hated in his heart. His Nauie consi­sted of some threescore saile, and loased from the Coast of Flanders wherewith arriuing at the Wight, hee ouer-ran and wasted the Ile, passing from thence he annoyed the Kentish Coast, but being terrified with the approch of the Kings Nauie, leauing those parts, he directed his course to the Coast of Lincolne-shire, where at his lan­ding he was repulsed by Edwine and Morcar, and forced to retire into Scotland, there to repaire & augment his forces. Herevpon it was doubted, that the Realme should bee assailed on that side from thence, and on the other out off Normandy. The terror hereof made the deeper impression, by reason of a Comet which appearing in feare­full manner, for the space of little lesse then a weeke together, disposed mens mindes (as in so troblesome a time it commeth often to passe) [Page 29] to an opinion and expectation of some grieuous euent portended thereby. But Harold hauing a vigilant eye to his busines on euery side, streng­thened the coasts all along the North parts with sufficient defence, though not much doubting any inuasion that way, because Malcolme King of Scotts had his hands full at home thorough the sedition of his owne subiects. In the meane time the Duke of Normandie set all his wits on worke which way hee might best effect his indeauors. Often he debated the matter with his best expe­rienced Captaines whom he found alwayes verie forward in the enterprize for England.

The onely difficultie rested, by what meanes money might be gotten sufficient for discharge of so costly a iourney. For when at a publike as­sembly of the States called together for that pur­pose, a subsidie was demanded, answer was made, that the countrie was so much inpouerish­ed by the last warre with France, that if a newe should arise, it would bee hardly prouided to make defence for it selfe, for the which, it stood them vpon much more to make prouision, then neglecting the same, to hazard all for the getting of that, which if they got at all, they looked to come by at so deare a rate. And though the qua­rell were iust, yet the warre was not so necessary as dangerous. Finally that the Normans were not bound to follow their Duke into any foraine seruice. Thus by no meanes could they bee now [Page 30] perswaded to part with any thing, although Wil­liam Fitzosbert (a man highly esteemed both of Prince and people) labored the matter as much as possibly he could, and thereby to drawe on o­thers by his example, hee franckly offred at his owne charge to furnish out forty ships towards this enterprice. The Duke seeing hee could not preuaile this way, tried what might be gotten by priuate intreaty, for the richest men in all the coūtry being come before him, he called ech one a part from the rest, and so much preuailed by his faire words & curtious behauiour, that as if they had contended who should giue most, euery one offred very liberally, so that after the perticuler I­tems were cast vp, & accounted, the totall summe far exceeded the Dukes expectatiō. Hauing thus obtained so large a contribution of his own sub­iects, he further attempted what aide might bee gotten of the Princes his allies & neighbors, the Earles of Aniou, Poictou, Le-Main, and Bollogne, to whom he promised vpon his good successe great preferments in England. Also he solicited Philip the French king offring, that if he would assist him in the conquest of this Land, to bind himselfe by oth, to hold the crowne of him, as of his Soue­raigne Lord & maister. But because it seemed no­thing cōmodious to France that the Dukedom of Normandy, which then stood but in slender awe of the king, should be strengthed by the addition of England (for the ouer great powre of a neigh­bour [Page 31] nation is held amongst Princes a dange­rous point) Philip was so farre off from yeelding him any aide therin, as that he did what he could to disswade him from it. Neuerthelesse the Duke would not by any means be remoued from that he had alreadie so farre forth vndertaken, but was the more forward being now also backed & inco­raged by the enterposed authority of Alexander Bishop of Rome, who now first began to vsurpe a Soueraignty and command ouer Princes. For his Holinesse ratifying the Dukes interest, pre­sented him with a hallowed banner, as an assured token of happy successe, wherfore hauing gathe­red his whole powre in redinesse at S. Valeries (a little towne scituat at the entry of the riuer Some) the Nauie attended a faire winde, which because they could not haue so sone as they would, the Normans weried the poore Saint (Patron of that place) with the multitude of vowes and did ouer­load him with their continuall offerings. Harold, who had all this while, with his people waited in vaine on the enemies landing, determined with himselfe to dismisse his army, and to dissolue his nauy for that time, as well because his prouision of corne fayled, as also hauing receaued letters frō the Earle of Flanders, signifying that the duke purposed to stir no further that yeare, which hee the rather beleeued, because winter approaching (for the sun was returned to his latter equinocti­all period) the season was vnfit for nauigation.

But his armie was no sooner dismissed, but he was constrained, by an vnexspected occasion, to gather together his dispearsed forces. For Ha­rold Harfager King of Norway, playing the Pirat alongst the Northen coasts, had alredy seized on the iles of Orkney, intised thereunto by Tosty, who had put him in hope of attayning the Crowne, and were together entred the riuer of Tine with some few lesse then fiue hundred smale vessels. There forces thus vnited, they tooke spoile of the Countries adioyning, passing from thence alongst the coast of Yorkshire, till they entred the Riuer of Humber, making what spoyle they could on ether side. In the meane time the two Erles Edwine and Morcar gathering vp certaine disor­dred troopes, such as the Country vpon a sud­daine could afford, made head against them, but being repulsed by the Noruegians, many of them together with there captaines saued them selues by flight, but the greater mumber vnaduisedly rushing into the Riuer of Ouse (thereby hoping to haue escaped) perished in the water. After this blowe, they prepared to besiedg Yorke, whether being come sooner then was looked, the Cittie was surrendred and hostages deliuered on both sides. Within fewe dayes, Harold of England ha­uing in his passage gathered what forces he could commeth to Yorke, from whence pursuing the Noruegians, he found them very strongly incam­ped, hauing on their backes the maine Ocean, on [Page 33] their leaft hand the riuer of Humber, where their ships lay at Ancre, and vpon the right hand and a front they were pretily defended by the riuer Derwine. All this not-with-standing Harold assai­led them very couragiously. The fight began vp­on the bridge whereon, it is said, that a Norue­gian alone, a long time kept back the whole armie of the Englishmen from passing ouer, vntill he was stroken thorow with a Dart. The armies being ioyned, the fight continued a good while, with doubtfull victory on either side, but in the end the Noruegian hoast was wholy defeated, of whom the greater number together with their King and his partaker Tostie, were slaine in the battaile. This victory brought also with it a rich bootie, for besides much treasure, they left behind them all their ships, sauing some twentie of the worst, which were bestowed on Paul Earle of the Iles of Orkney, and on Oliue sonne to the Norue­gian King, therein to carry home their maimed souldiers, hauing first taken an oath that from thence forth they should neuer molest this land againe. Fortune thus smiling on our Harold, made him esteeme very highly of himselfe: for thinking that the Normans would now stand in feare of his mightinesse, hee began to make lesse account of his souldiers, not respecting how slen­derly hee rewarded them for their late good ser­uice, but reseruing to himselfe, and some fewe of his fauorites, the whole wealth attained by this [Page 34] victory, he became odious to his owne subiects. The North parts being thus distempered by this inuasion from Norway, he wholy applied himselfe to set all things there in good order and safetie againe. In the meane time the Duke of Normandy taking the offered oportunity, about the ende of September hoised vp his sailes and with a fauo­rable winde landed his whole army atPemsey. Peuensie in Sussex, causing his ships to be set on fier, thereby taking from his souldiers all hope of sauing thē ­selues by flight. Hauing builded here some for­tifications, he marched from thence alongst the sea coast to Hastings, where also hee raysed an o­ther fortresse, and furnished them both with suf­ficient strength for their defence. Here be publi­shed the causes mouing him to vndertake this enterprise, namely, to bee reuenged on the out­rage committed vpon his Cousin Alfred, whom togither with diuerse Normans, Godwine, Father to Harold had wickedly murthered. To take re­uenge on Harold himselfe as well for causing Robert the Archbishop of Canterburie to be bani­shed the Realme in the daies of King Edward, as also for vniustlie detayning from him the king­dome of England, contrary to his faithfull pro­mise and oth. But in any case hee strictly fore­badde his Souldiers to inflict anie outragious calamities vpon the countrie people: knowledge heereof was presently brought to king Harold, who therevpon without further deliberation, to [Page 35] the end hee might the more speedily incounter the Normans, dispatched his postes into all the partes of the Realme, intreating his subiects to perseuer in their loyaltie and duetifull obedience vnto him, and hauing gathered what powre by al possible means hee could, by long iorneyes hee came in fewe daies to London. Hither the Duke sent his ambassador, who demanding resignation of the kingdom vnto his maister, very hardly es­caped with life, so much was Harold inraged a­gainst him. For by his late victory ouer the Nor­wegians he was so encoraged, that nothing could now appall & daunt him. He returned the Duke answere, that vnlesse he would forth-with draw homewards, it should be worsse for him. But the Duke in modesty replied, and in curtious manner dismissed the messenger. Harold in the meane sea­son mustering his men at London, found that since the late conflict with the Norwegians, his forces were shrewdly weakned, neuertheles by reason of the repaire of the Nobility and others (whome the loue of their country brought thither to the defence of the same, against a danger of like pre­iudice to them all) a great army was from thence speedily conducted by himselfe into Sussex, what­soeuer perswasion, his Mother could vse to the contrary notwithstanding and with an inuinci­ble corrag he encamped his hoast in a faire plaine with in lesse then seauen miles of the enemy. The Duke approaching sent forth his espiales as [Page 36] the other did, to giue intelligence one of the o­thers demeaner. They of the English part (either of ignorance or of purpose to terrifie their king) exceedingly extolled & preferred the Dukes ar­mie, both for number, furniture, orderlie dispo­sition, and conduction of the same. In so much as Githe the Kings brother (an expert warriour) holding it not conuenient to hazard the loosing of all vpon the successe of one bat­taile, aduised the King not to be ouer forward, shewing him how vnconstant fortune vseth to shew her selfe in martiall aduentures, fauoring those for the more part that are of least desart. That an aduised delaie was reputed a principall point of military discipline. That if he had pro­mised to reserue the Crowne to the vse and be­hoofe of the Duke (as it was iustified) hee then held it fit, he should retire his person, conside­ring that without a good conscience no force or powre whatsoeuer should stand him in steed. That God himselfe would take reuenge vpon faith-breakers. That nothing would more dismay the enemy, then to be set vpon still afresh with new supplie, offring that if he would commit to him the aduenture of that battile, he would not faile to performe the part both of a faithfull brother, and of a resolute Captaine. That hee maintay­ning his quarrell vpon warrant of a good consci­ence (as far as he knewe) should haue more happy successe against the Normans, or not vnhappily [Page 37] giue his life for the loue he bare to his King & Country. Harold was much offended hereat, as esteeming it a speech ouermuch sauouring of dis­grace and reproch to his person. For as he would take in good part whatsoeuer euent followed the battell, so could he not indure in any sort to bee taxed of want of courage. Wherefore as touch­ing the commendation giuen to the behauiour of his aduersaries, he lightly regarded that report, neither (as he tooke it) could it be without great dishonor to his former renowne, that beeing come to the repulse of the last danger which hee was like to fall into, hee should now shrinke and fearefully with-drawe himselfe. In this manner doth fatall destinies bewitch their senses, whom they meane to bring to destruction. While these things were thus debated, Duke William prefer­ring the care he had to auoid the effusiō of much Christian bloud, (which in that quarrell was likely to bee shed) before any particular respect of aduantage to himselfe, sent a Munke to Harold with this message: Either to surrender vnto him the Crowne and Scepter of England, or else to acknowledge thence-forth to hold them vnder him, as in his right. But if the title must of ne­cessity be tryed by Armes, then to haue it deter­mined by single Combat betweene themselues. If none of these offers would be accepted, then to commit the cause to the hearing and determi­nation of the Bishop of Rome, as an indifferent [Page 38] Iudge and vmpire betweene them. Harold an­swered that it was not in his powre to yeald to a­ny of these offers, but hee referred the disciding of this waightie cōtrouersie to the final sentence and decree of the supreame and celestiall Iudge, and moderator of all humaine actions. That on the next morning, beeing the foureteenth day of October, hee would not faile to giue him battell, vainely imagining to haue the better suc­cesse because it was his birth-day. The English­men spent all the next night in excessiue riot, but the Normans contrariwise passing the same without any misdemeanor gaue themselues who­ly to holsome meditations and exercises of deuo­tion. At the apearance of day, euery man prepa­red himselfe to the fight. On the English part, the Kentishmen were placed in the front of the battell (to whom that place pertained by an ancient cu­stome) with their Halberds in their handes. Ha­rold with his Brother, the Londoners, and the rest of his army made vp the whole Battel. On the other side Roger Mongomery & William Fitzosbert, had the leading of the Vangard which consisted of horsemen of Aniou, & of the contries of Perch, Le-Maine and Britaine, of whom a great number serued vnder the Britaine Fergent. The midle bat­taile (who were Germaines & Pictoines was condu­cted by Galfred Martell, & a Germaine. The Duke himselfe managed the rereward, wherin was pla­ced the strength of his nation & the flowre of his [Page 39] Nobilitie. These three battells were thorow out enter [...]ined with the Norman Archers. The Nor­mans being thus marshalled; sounding the alarū without any confused noise, aduanced thēselues forward, & withall from euery ranck mounting their Arrowes in the ayre, they fell on the Eng­lishmen as thicke as hailestones, wherat they were not a little dismaide hauing neuer before beene acquainted with such kind of weapons, frō whose annoyance no man was free, euen in the middest of their owne forces. This storme (vnlooked for) beeing blowne ouer, the Normans forth-with ran fiercely vpon the foreward of the English Armie, who resoluing rather to die where they stood thē to giue ground, keeping themselues close toge­ther, repulsed the enemie with no small losse and disaduātage vnto him. Neuertheles he forthwith gaue a fresh assalt, whereat, with terrible outcries both armies rushed one vpon the other. Beeing now coped together at hand blowes, the fight cō ­tinued very hotlie for a good season, but the Eng­lishmen still keeping their aray (as if they had bin linked one to another) resisted the others malice. The Normās hauing receiued many wounds were withal ready to giue back, had not the Duke (plai­yng the part no lesse of a Souldior then of a vigi­lant Captain) as much by example as by directiō incoraged thē to stand to it manfully. The fight thus still maintained on either side, the Norman horsemen, with all possible force charged vpon [Page 40] them, and withall powring out, a new tempest of their airy weapons, with the violent fall of their arrowes, did seeme euen to beate thē down to the ground. But the Englishmen without any disorder abide this brunt also. For Harold per­forming the part of a most valiant Captaine, was still at hand, where occasion required to inco­rage his men. Neither came the Duke behinde him in that respect, who hauing now had his horse twice slaine vnder him, and perceauing that by the only vertue of his powre hee should not preuaile; assaied what might be done by slight & policy. Wherefore causing the trumpets to soūd a retreate, the Normans without breking their array, did retire and giue backe. The Englishmen mistaking their meaning, thought the victory now their owne, and withall, (no respect had of keeping order) they pursued them more egarlie then warily, which the enemy perceauing, & tak­ing the exspected aduantage, vpon a sudden tur­ned againe, and redily reducing his troopes into good order, set vpon them a fresh & made a great slaughter of them. Many were beaten downe while they were thinking whether it were better to fight or to flie. But the greater number keep­ing their stand close togither on the heigth of a hill, and incoraging one the other not to shrinke, manfully fought it out a long time, as though they had purposely chosen that place to giue the more honor vnto their deaths. In the end Harold [Page 41] being shot into the head with an arrow, togither with Githe his brother, yeelded vp their fainting spirits. Edwine and Morcar with some fewe moe escaping by flight, gaue place to time & the di­uine prouidence, after the fight had continewed frō the first appearance of daylight vnto the shut­ting vp of the same. In this battaile were slaine of Normans fewe lesse then sixe thousand, but of the Englishmen a farre greater number. The Duke hauing obtained this notable victory had no small cause to reioyce thereat: neuerthelesse hee attrbuted the honour and glory thereof to the giuer of all happinesse, and by publique thankes­giuing acknowledged the same. Hee lodged that night in the field, his pauilion being set vp in the middest of the deade bodies. The next day ta­king order for the buriall of the dead on both sides, he returned to Hastings, as well to consult in what sort to prosecute his late victory, as also to giue some refreshing to his wearied army. But when the wofull relation of this ouerthrow was brought to the Citie of London, and to other parts further of, the whole realme was greatly perplexed therewith, as being then men vtterly forlorne. Githe (the mother of Harold) after the manner of women, gaue ouer her selfe wholie to greeuous lamentations, and with most humble petition obtaining of the Duke the dead bodies of hir two sonnes, she caused them to be buried in the monasterie of Waltham. Earle Edwine [Page 42] sent Algithe (the Queenes sister) into the fur­thest partes of the realme, aduising both the Noblemen and commons to awaken their heauie spirits, and to consult betimes vpon some good course for the present reliefe of their distressed & languishing estate. The Archbishop of Yorke, the Londoners and officers of the Nauie, thought it best to make Edgar Atheling their King, and to gather new forces out of hand to incounter the Duke. The two Earles Edwine and Morcar se­cretly practised how to set the crowne vpon one of their heads. But the Bishops and Prelates, and such other as stood in feare of the Popes thun­der-botls, and damning exsecrations, held it best to submit themselues to the Duke, and no further to prouoke the Conquerors haughty minde by taking armes afresh against him, the successe whereof was doubtfull. Neither would it auaile them any thing, to contend with the diuine pro­uidence, which for their outragious sinnes had giuen them into the hands of their enimies the Normans. The Duke in the meane time leauing a garrison behind him at Hastings, determined to go to London, but to strike the more terror into the Englishmens hearts, and to make all safe at his backe, he deuided his forces into seuerall compa­nies, who ranging thorow some part of Kent, Sus­sex, Surrie, Hamshire, and Barkshire, wasted and bur­ned all the townes and villages that stood in their way, carrying with them whatsoeuer they found worth the taking. Then passing ouer Theames at [Page 43] Wallingford, they filled euery place with horror & trembling. The great men were so possessed with inward distrust and enuy one at another, that they wholy neglected the care they should haue taken for the good of the common-weale. For to auoide the ecclesiasticall censure & threats of the Bishop of Rome (who now began to tyrannize not onely ouer the vulgar and inferior sort: but also ouer mightie Kings and kingdomes) the realme being false into a most desperate estate, they so firmely resolued to yeeld themselues, that therevpon ma­ny prouiding in time for their best safetie left the Citie to all aduentures. Alfread Archbishop of Yorke, Wolstaine Bishop of Worcester, & diuers other great Prelats, together with Edgar Atheling, Ed­wine and Morcar, mette the Duke at Barkhamsteed, & giuing pledges for the assurance of their fideli­tie, submitted themselues vnto him. Then posting presently to London, he was with great ioy and so­lemne acclamation intertained, and saluted with Viue le Roy. The Duke forthwith prepared al things fit for his coronation, which by his appointment was solemnized the Christmas following. In the meane time he wholy busied himselfe, how to or­der euery thing for the more firme establishment of his newly atchieued & conquere [...] kingdome.

Here ended the gouerment of the Saxon Kings ouer this land, hauing continued 600. yeares. Some did attribu [...]e this notoriou [...] alteration and change, [...]o the corruption in the magistrates, and the superstitious cowardlinesse of the Cleargie, [Page 44] others to the influence of a Co [...]et: others im­mediatly referred the cause thereof to the diuine prouidence, that disposeth of Kingdomes by an vnknowne, but neuer vniust sentence and decree. But they that more strictly examined that point, and looked into the next appearing cause cast the blame chiefely vpon King Edward, who tho­rough a vaine glorious showe of religious cha­stitie, tooke no more care to raise vp seede vn­to himselfe, for want whereof his Kingdome after his death was left a prey to the ambition of man.

These Normanes were a mixt people of Noru [...] ­gians, Suevians and Danes, who in the time of Charles the great exercised piracie vpon these Coasts. At length by strong hand they seated themselues in that part of France which they hold till this day, about the mouth of the Ri­uer of Sene. That prouince was thē called Neustria and now Normandie of the name Norman, giuen vnto them because they came out off the North parts. These people so much preuailed after­wards against Charles of France (surnamed the Simple) that he was constrained to make peace with them, by giuing his Daughter in marriage to Rollo their Prince, together with that whole Prouince for her Dowrie, whereof hee crea­ted him Duke, from whom this Duke William was the fift in lineall descent that succeeded af­ter him.

Hauing thus farre proceeded, and brought this our most noble and florishing Iland of Brit­taine vnder the seuerall gouernements of the two absolute Kings of England and Scotland; my pur­pose is as briefly as I can to prosecute the ioynct History of these two Nations, onely so farre sorth, as the matter shall concerne them both, whether it tendeth to warre and variance, or to peace and amitie.

William the Conquerour King of England.

DVke William hauing by force of armes in manner aforesaid ob­tained the Soueraigntie ouer this land,1066. was with much solem­nitie crowned King of England on Christmas day, in the yeare of our redemption 1066. who taking vpon him the part of a Conqueror, per­formed the same in his right kind: for abrogating the ancient lawes and customes of the land, hee established others, such as either he had brought out of Normandie, or that he thought more fitte for the present gouerment of the English nation. And further, taking from the Englishmen their lands and possessions, hee bestowed them on his followers and partakers in his conquest, at his owne will and pleasure. Herevpon (as also by ma­nie other extremities dayly offered more and more, to all degrees and estates,) the great men especially, who (thorow the greatnesse of their mindes) could worst indure so many indignities, conuaied them-selues out of the realme, some in­to one country, some into another, hoping to finde such fauour with forraigne Princes, as with their helpe they might happily one day finde meanes to bee restored againe to their former estates and dignities in their natiue Countrie.

Amongst these Edgar Atheling (whom this bu­sinesse concerned more then any of the rest) pur­posing to haue sailed into Germanie to his friends and alliance there, together with his mother and two sisters, was by contrary windes (as the Lord would haue it) driuen into Scotland, where they were curteously intertained of Malcolme (surna­med Cammore) the King of that Countrie, the rather because they were of the bloud and linage of King Edward the Confessor, by whose especi­all meanes he had beene established in his King­dome. Shortly after in respect (no doubt) of the possibilitie wherein shee stood to come by the Crowne of England after her brother, King Mal­colme tooke to wife the Lady Marguerit, the el­der sister. This marriage was solemnized about Easter next following, in the yeare 1067. King William hearing what had passed in Scotland, and fearing lest this alliance might worke him some displeasure (for Edgar had many well-willers in England) forth-with sent an Harold of Armes to King Malcolme for the deliuery of him, which if it would not be granted, then he should denounce open warre against him. Answer was here-unto made, that hee held it a very vniust thing, yea a very wicked part for him to deliuer Edgar into his hands, that onely for feare of the losse of his life was forced to flie out off England, beeing of that innocent carriage and demeanor towards the King his Maister, that euen his greatest [Page 49] aduersaries could no way touche him with the least suspition of disloyaltie. Further that he was now bound (besides the respect of ordinary hu­manitie in this case) by more straight bands of neere alliance, to tender his estate. So as King Malcome was no whit terrified with these threats, still intertaining Edgar his friends, that dayly re­paired into Scotland, by whom King Malcome be­ing incouraged, tooke the oportunitie that was offered. For whilest King William was occupied in pursuing the English Rebels, he with his armie entred into England, wasting and spoiling the countries of Theisdale and Cleueland, and the lands of Saint Cutbert, with diuers other in those parts. For the suppressing of whom, King William sent Gospatrike, whom he had lately before made Earle of Northumberland, in the place of Syward, that tooke part against him with the Scottes and Eng­lishmen their adherents. Entring into those parts, he made the like spoile, as was before made by the Scottes, so as those countries were grieuouslie af­flicted on both sides. But yet their miseries had no end, for Gospatricke was no sooner returned, but the Scots entring those countries againe, ex­ceeding their former cruelty vpon the poore in­habitance. King William to giue end to these ex­tremities, hauing assembled a mighty armie, in his owne person, entred into Scotland about the middest of August, pursuing the English rebels and their partakers into Galloway, but they being [Page 50] not disposed to abide his approach, fled vnto the Mountaines; wherefore giuing them ouer, hee turned his forces into Lothiane, where he vnder­stood that king Malcome was incamped with all his whole powre, purposing to make a conquest of Scotland also. But when these two puissant ar­mies were euen ready to assaile one the other, the Scottish king distrusting his strength, and fearing the fortune of the Conqueror, sent an Harrald of Armes to enter into treatie of a firme peace be­tweene the two Nations, wherevnto king William was drawne at the length, on these conditions. First that king Malcome should doe homage vnto the king of England for the realme of Scotland. On the other side that king William should pardon all those Englishmē which then tooke part with Mal­come against him. Further to auoide all occasion of quarrell that happily might afterwards arise about the limits & bounds of the two kingdoms, it was agreed vpon, that a crosse of stone should be erected in Steenmore (which tooke that name of the nature of the soile, which was very stonie) bearing the Armes and Image of the king of Eng­land, on the South-side thereof, and on the contra­ry-side the armes and Image likewise of the king of Scotland, which while it stood for many yeares after was called the crosse of the kings. Thus were they accorded, and thence-forth continued in friendship while they liued together. King William in his returne tooke the Earledome of Northum­berland from Gospatricke (on whom he had lately [Page 51] bestowed the same) and gaue it to Waltheof the sonne of Siward deceased, that held it in the right of Alfred his wife, the daughter & heire of Aldread some-time Earle of that Prouince. Waltheof was in that fauour with the king, that shortly after he gaue him to wife the lady Iudith his neece, daugh­ter to Lambert Earle of Leux, with all the lands be­longing to the honor of Huntington, whereby he became Earle of Northumberland & Huntington. Notwithstanding these especial fauours, Waltheof not long after entred into a conspiracy against the king, which although he disclosed before it brake out into open warre, king William was so highly offended thereat, that he caused him to be behea­ded, not without some note of cruelty, hauing re­uealed the whole practise, and submitted himselfe to the kings mercy. Edgar Atheling returning out of Scotland, obteined the kings fauour, & was high­ly aduanced, but to auoid further danger (in which case a Prince cannot be too circumspect) he was not admitted without leaue to depart the Court while he liued.

King William the Conqueror being deceased in the 20.1087. yeare of his raigne, about 14. yeares after the former conclusion of peace, whether it was to reuenge the death of Earle Waltheof his cousine germaine, executed as before you haue heard, or whether he was drawn on by an ambitious humor to inlarge his dominions, or (as some haue rather thought) prouoked therevnto by some vnkindnes offred by K. Williā Rufus, who succeeded his father [Page 52] here: whatsoeuer the cause was, King Malcolme taking the oportunitie, while the King and his el­der brother Robert Duke of Normandie were at some variance about the Crowne, entred with his Armie into Northumberland, preying vpon the in­habitants as farre as Chester, in the street. The King of England sent such forces against him, as that entring into Scotland, they tooke the Castell of Anwicke, putting all to the sword that made re­sistance, where leauing a garrison for the defence thereof, the army returned home. And for the bet­ter restraint of further molestation on that side, the King caused the City and Castell of Carleil, (which had beene ruinated by the Danes about 200. yeares before) to be reedified and peopled a­gaine, granting many priuiledges to the inhabi­tants, which they enioy to this day. King Mal­colme being not a little discontented with the losse of Anwicke, shortly after gathered a new powre & laide siege to the towne, wherat both he himselfe, and Prince Edward his eldest sonne, by one mis­fortune or other (for the writers agree not on that point) lost their liues, & the whole army put to flight. This came to passe in the 36. yeare of King Malcolme his raigne, and in the sixt of King William Rufus: 1093. Anno. 1093. Though this Mal­come had in his time much disturbed the Eng­lish nation by sundrie harmefull inuasions, ne­uerthelesse by the meanes of his foresaid mari­age with the sister of Edgar Atheling, the realme [Page 53] of England became of an open and professed ene­mie, an assured friend, yea euen a very sanctuarie to his poore Orphaine children: for their vncle Edgar (a man of great sanctimonie and fidelitie) wisely foreseeing, and warily preuenting the dan­ger wherein those babes stood, vnder the vsurped gouernment of Donald their fathers brother, sent presently for them into England. The three sonnes Edgar, Alexander, and Dauid, succeeded one the other in their Fathers kingdome: Mawde the el­dest Daughter (surnamed the Good) was after­wards maried to the first Henry King of England. Mary the other daughter, to Eustace Earle of Bul­loine the base, whose daughter (named after her Mother) was maried to Stephen King of England. This happy progenie (the more happy for the vertues of their deceased Mother and liuing Vn­cle) were not onely educated at his charge, and instructed in all good nurture beseeming their birth and linage: but also when the young Prince Edgar was come to ripe age, Edgar his Vncle ob­tained of king William Rufus a competent powre, wherewith now the second time (for once before hee had with the like helpe expulsed Donald, and crowned Duncam, king Malcomes base Sonne in his place) hee vtterly expelled Donald, and set Prince Edgar in full and peaceable possession of the Crowne of Scotland, which hee enioyed du­ring his life.

1100 King William shortly after deceasing without is­sue, his brother Henry (the Conquerors yongest sonne) was admitted king of England by the gene­rall consent of the whole nation, Anno 1100. King Edgar not onely renewed the league with him, which before was continued with Rufus, but for the more strengthning of the same, he gaue the Lady Mawde (his eldest sister) vnto him in marri­age, (as is aforesaid) by whom he had issue that li­ued, Mawde the Empresse, Mother to Henry the second, afterwards king of England. The mutuall amitie that by this mariage was nourished be­tweene these two nations during the life of this Henry, and the Queenes brothers (Edgar and A­lexander,) was confirmed by the mariage also of Dauid her yongest brother, with an other Mawde, the Daughter and heire of Waltheoff late Earle of Northumberland & Huntingtō, as before you haue heard, by which mariage, that Earldome, with a great part of Northumberland and Westmerland, were annexed to the Crowne of Scotland, as after­wards shall better appeare.

1135 Henry the first, departing out of this life, in the sixe and thirtith yeare of his raigne, leaft to suc­ceed him onely a Daughter: for his sonnes were both drowned in their passage hither out of Nor­mandie. This Lady was first maried to the Empe­ror Henry the 4. who dying without issue, she was maried againe to Geffery Plantagenet Earle of An­iou, [Page 55] by whom she had issue while her father liued, Henry the 2. afterwards king of England. Notwith­standing that Stephen Earle of Boloigne, nephew to the last deceased king (for Adela his mother was one of the daughters of William the Conqueror) had together with the rest of the nobility sworne vnto King Henry, to admit his daughter the Em­presse, to succeed him as lawfull heire to the Crowne of England: hee nothing regarding his oath, made no scruple to intrude himselfe into the royall throne. Immediatly whervpon he sent an Ambassage vnto K. Dauid of Scotland, demand­ing homage as wel for that realme, as for all other the lands & signories which he held of him with­in England: where-vnto K. Dauid answered; that both Stephen, he himselfe, with all the nobility of England, were all seuerally bound by oath to the obedience of the Empresse his neece, as the only lawfull and liniall heire to King Henry her father, whereof he for his part made that conscience, as that during her life he would neuer acknowledge any other true inheritor to the crowne of Englād. King Stephen not a little displeased with this his resolute answer, inuaded the territories of Scot­land, where-vpon much trouble arose to both na­tions. But after the warre had continued 2. or 3. yeares, with equall losse on both sides, in the end, thorough the mediatiō especially of the Queene of England (who was also Neece to K. Dauid by his other Sister Mary Countesse of Boloigne, as [Page 56] hath beene afore-said) a peace was concluded on these conditions. That the Counties of North­muberland and Huntington should remaine in the possession of Prince Henrie of Scotland as heire vnto them in the right of his Mother, but Cum­berland should bee thence-forth held and re­puted the lawefull inheritance of king Dauid, that both Father and Sonne should acknow­ledge and yeelde to king Stephen and his succes­sours for the time, being for these signories the accustomed seruices due for the same. King Ste­phen was the more willing to yeelde herevnto, by reason of his infinite trobles, which daylie more and more increased by the plottes and practises of the friends of the Empresse, neuer ceasing to worke him all the displeasure that possibly they could deuise, the victory falling sometimes on the one side, and sometimes on the other. Such was the estate of this Land, during his whole raigne for the space of eightene years. In the meane season though king Dauid prefer­red the iust title of the Empresse before the co­lourable pretext of Stephen, yet hee so much re­garded the worde of a king, that although hee was (no doubt) greatly solicited by the Empresse, to breake of with her aduersary, yet would hee not bee drawne at any time therevnto, although that troublesome season, offred him fit oportu­nity for his owne aduantage, which commenda­ble and Christian resolution well appeared in [Page 57] him when as afterward hee intertayned Prince Henry Sonne to the Empresse at Carliele, who be­ing come thither accompained with the Earles of Chester and Hereford, and diuerse other noblemen and gentlemen of good account both of England and Normandie, of purpose (as it seemed) to draw the king to their part (whose assistance only wan­ted to the expelling of the vsurper) hee would by no means breake his faith with England, but rest­ing quiet at home, nothing was at that time fur­ther attempted, whereof king Stephen was much afraid. At this meeting the yong Prince together with some other of like age his companions in this iorney, receiued the order of knight-hood at the hands of king Dauid, within foure years after, these two kings deceased nere togither, the one hauing raigned ouer Scotland thirty yeares in great tranquillity, the other hardly twenty ouer England with continuall vexation and infelicity, and as they ended, so their successors beganne to raigne togither, Henry the Empresse her Sonne ouer this nation, about the age of twenty yeares, & his Cousin Malcolme king Dauids grand-child (for Prince Henry died before his Father) ouer the other about 13. years old. In the persō of this Henry the crowne of England was restored to the Saxon bloud by the Mother side, hauing conti­newed in the Conqueror and his two Sonnes about 68. years, & now by marriage transferred to the house of Plantagenet, an other family of France.

Herof had Lewis the French king no good liking, being vnwilling that so mighty a Prince, and so neare a neighbour should haue such foot-hold with in his dominions; for in the right of his wife Queene Elioner (who had beene before deuorsed from Lewis) hee had attained the possession of the Duchy of Aquitane and the Earle-dome of Poitou, by his mother the Empresse he inioyed the Du­chy of Normandy, & in his Fathers right hee sei­zed (not without some hard measure, towards his brother Geffrey vnto whom their Father by his last Testament had giuen the same) vpon the Earledomes of Aniou, Touraigne, and Maine. Neuerthelesse hee subtilely couered his malice vnder pretext of dissembled alliance, least other­wise he should haue had lesse aduantage of him. But King Henry perceiuing the deceite, was too wise to be caught by such a Traine, and there­fore vpon the first occasion that was offered he opposed his open force against the others se­cret practises, but first, as well to keepe all safe at home on that side: as also for the bet­ter trayning of the young Prince in feates of Armes and Martiall discipline, vnder pretence of the performance of the seruices due for the Landes hee held of him, within the Realme of England, hee procured King Malcolme to ac­companie him ouer into Normandie, where hauing spent some time (not a little to the losse of King Lewis) and requited the curtesie [Page 59] of King Dauid, by bestowing the like honour on him, as before he had receiued, they retur­ned together hither againe, and then taking his leaue of King Henrie hee was honourablie atten­ded home into Scotland. His Nobilitie repai­ring vnto the Court, King Malcolme made rela­tion of all that had happened in this his iourney, whereat they seemed much discontented: attri­buting vnto him want of discretion, that hee would be induced (or rather so much seduced) as to beare Armes in the quarrell, of an vndoubted enemy, against the French King and his subiects their antient and assured friend and Allie, that hee little considered the drift of King Henrie, who sought nothing more then by some meanes to bring him into distrust and disgrace with King Lewis, to the end hee might the more safelie offer him whatsoeuer hard measure hee did meane towardes him. With these and such like speeches tending wholie to with-draw their Kings affection from King Henrie (hee wanting yeares and thereby iudgement, to sound the deapth of this deuise) was too easily drawne into the French faction: for by taking part with France against England, their maintei­nance hath beene alwayes much amended. When King Henrie had knowledge hereof, to the end he might in due time prouide a remedie for this growing on maladie, hee caused King Mal­colme to bee summoned to make his personall [Page 60] appearance, at his high Court of Parliament holden at Yorke, whether beeing come at the ap­pointed time, hee was charged to haue so grie­uously offended, that therevpon by authoritie of the same Court he was finally adiudged to haue forfeited all those lands and Seignories which he held within England, but in the end by mediation (no doubt) of the Empresse, the king her son was intreated to restore his cousin to his possessions in Cumberland & the County of Huntingdon, only reseruing Northumberland wholy on condition that doing homage vnto Prince Henry the kings son, (in manner as all the Nobilitie of England had also done) he should further deliuer into his hands his yonger brother Dauid, and certaine o­ther the sonnes of the Lords of Scotland, as plead­ges for the assurance of an inuiolable peace be­tweene the two Nations. All which were perfor­med, and peace a long time continued. Within three yeares after, king Malcolme deceassed, hauing liued fiue and twenty yeares, and raigned not much aboue twelue, whom William his se­cond brother succeeded in the yeare of our Re­demption 1165. 1165 Shortly after his Coronatiō he repaired to London & did homage to king Henry in manner as before his brother had done, reque­sting the king to restore vnto him Northumber­land, which hee chalenged as his proper right. The other answered, that it rested not in his powre to dispose thereof, without the consent [Page 61] of his subiects, that as by Parliament the same was taken from his brother, he would so farre yeelde vnto his demand as to the like assemblie should seeme reasonable; which the King after­wards performed accordingly, rendring so much of Northumberland, as King Malcolme his great Grandfather was seised of at the time of the Cō ­position made with the Conqueror, for the space of eight or nine yeares following these two Kings liued peaceably together, and one to the other shewed great kindnesse so as King William at one iourney accompanied the other into Nor­mandy, and sundry times afterwards repayred to the English Court, where hee was euer ioyfully and royally intertained. Dauid his brother was also louingly entreated during his aboad in Eng­land, and at Windsor honored by King Henrie with the order of Knight-hood. Thenceforth hee fol­lowed the King of England in his warres in France although he was sondry waies attempted to haue beene drawne to the aduerse parte. But in pro­cesse of time, which worketh alteration in all estates, thorough the instigation especially of Lewis the French King (who had now set the two Henries, the Father and the sonne, one against the other) Amongst diuerse other as well of the Nobilitie of England as of forraine Princes. King William was likewise won to take part with the young King (for his Father had caused him to be crowned) in that vnnaturall strife & contention. [Page 62] So as while king Henry the Father was set on worke on the other side of the Sea by his sediti­ous sonnes (for the rest tooke part with their el­dest brother) & the realme much disquieted with in it selfe, by the Earles of Lecester, Chester, Lincoln Norfolk, and diuers other domesticall complices of this dangerous conspiracie: the Scotish king hauing gathered a mightie armie, entred there­with into the Marches of England: tooke the Ca­stels of Browgh & Applebie with some other, sent part of his Army into Kendale, wasting the coun­try where it pa [...] most hostile manner. For the suppressing [...] these insolencies certaine of the kings friends assembled thēselues to the num­ber of 400. horsemen vnder the leading of Robert de Stouteuille, Ralph Glanuille, William Vescie, Bar­nard Balliol and Odonette de Humfreuille, who cō ­ming to Anwick (from the siege wherof king Wil­liam was departed the same day) tooke consultati­on what was best to be done. Very early the next morning they followed the Scots, who little loo­king for any resistance then in readines, left their king but slenderly attended and dispersed them­selues abroad to wast and forrage the country. This beeing made known to the Englishmen, they pursued the aduātage with so good successe, that with the losse of very little bloud on eyther side, they tooke king William prisoner in the midest of his strength, but yet not so neere as thereby hee could be rescued.

This happened on the seuenth of Iuly in the yeare 1174. 1174 king Henry at the same time was newely returned out off Normandie, to whom the Scotish king was shortly after presented at North-Hampton, and Dauid his Brother was li­censed forth-with to repaire into Scotland, to containe the same in their due obedience, whilst the Kings pleasure should bee further knowne, concerning the deliuery of the King his priso­ner. In the meane season the French king bee­ing wearied with the charge of this Warre in the behalfe of his sonne in lawe King Henrie the younger (for hee had nowe married the Lady Margeret his Daughter) offered him­selfe to become a meane to make an accord be­tweene the two Henries, where-vpon the warre ceassed, and after a meeting or two for that pur­pose, in the end this vnnaturall dissention be­tweene king Henry and his Sonnes (which had continued well neere two yeares to the great discomfort of the Father, and vexation of the whole Realme) was well appeased. Here-vpon the Scotish king, who remained prisoner at Fa­leise in Normandie, amongst other of the same faction, to the number well neere of a thou­sand persons of especiall qualitie (that at one time or other during these warres, were also taken prisoners) were by king Henrie, accor­ding to the Articles of agreement, set at libertie, in manner as were all they, that by the aduerse [Page 64] part, had beene likewise taken prisoners in the King of Englands seruice. Now againe was ami­tie and concorde imbraced and cherished on all sides. For the Scotish King hauing left behinde him sufficient pledge for the performance of co­uenants, was permitted to returne into Scotland, where hauing spent some sixe or seauen months, he together with Dauid his Brother, and a great number of the Nobility and Clergie of that Realme, repayred to Yorke about the twenteth of August, where they did homage to the King of England in S. Peters Church, and in token thereof King William offered vp his Saddle and hat on the Alter of S. Peter, which remained there along time after. Finally it was concluded that the Sco­tish king should become and acknowledge him­selfe to be the king of Englands Liegman against all men for the Realme of Scotland and his other Lands within England, and for them should doe fealtie to the King of England as to his soueraign Lord in manner as other his liedge people accu­stomed to doe. And further that hee should also do fealty to the Lord Henry the King of Englands son (sauing alwayes the faith which hee ought to the King his Father) Also that all the Prelates of Scotland, and their successors should acknowledg their accustomed subiection to the Church of England, and do fealty to the king of England, so many of them as he should appoint. And like­wise that the Earles and Barons of Scotland, and [Page 65] their heires for their part should do homage and fealtie vnto the King of England and to the Lord Henry his Sonne, so many of them as thereto should bee called, as in the Charter following, then openly read in Saint Peters Church, more at large appeareth.

Wilhelmus Rex Scotiae deuenit homo ligius Domi­ni regis Angliae contra omnes homines, de Scotia & de alijs terris suis, & fidelitatem ei fecit vt ligio domino suo, sicut alij homines sui ipsi facere solent. Similiter fecit homagium Henrico filio regis (salua fide Do­mini regis Patris sui) omnes vero Episcopi, Abbates, & Clerus terrae Scotiae, & successores sui facient Do­mino regi sicut ligio Domino fidelitatem, de quibus habere voluerit, sicut alij Episcopi sui ipsi facere solent, & Henrico filio suo & heredibus eorum. Concessit autem rex Scotiae & Dauid frater eius, & Barones, & alij homines sui Domino Regi. Quod Ecclesia Scotiae talem subiectionem amodò faciet Ecclesiae Angliae, qualem facere debet & solebat tempore regum Angliae praedecessorum suorum. Similiter Richardus Episco­pus Sancti Andreae, & Richardus Episcopus Dun­kelden, & Gaufridus Abbas de Dunfermlyn, & Herbertus Prior de Coldingham concesseriunt, vt ecclesia Anglicana illud habeat ius in ecclesia Scotiae, quod de iure debet habere: & quod ipsi non erint con­tra ius Anglicanae ecclesiae. Et de hac concessione, sicut quando ligiam fidelitatē domino regi, & domino Henrico filio suo fecerint, ita eos indè assecurauerint [Page 66] Hoc idem facient alij episcopi & clerus Scotiae, per conuentionem inter Dominum regem Scotiae & Da­uid fratrem suum & barones suos factam. Comites & Barones & alij homines de terra regis Scotiae (de qui­bus dominus rex. habere voluerit) facient ei homagi­um contra omnem hominem & fidelitatem vt ligio domino suo, sicut alij homines sui facere ei solent. Et Henrico filio suo & haeredibus suis, (salua fide domi­ni regis patris sui.) Similiter Heredes regis Scotiae & Baronum & hominum suorum homagium & ligi­antiam facient haeredibus Domini regis contra omnē hominem. Praeteria rex Scotiae & homines sui nullum amodò fugitiuum de terra domini regis pro felonia receptabunt, vel in alia terra sua, nisi voluerit venire ad rectum in curia domini regis, & stare iuditio Cu­riae. Sed rex Scotiae et homines sui quam citius po­terunt eum capient & domino regi reddent, vel Iusti­ciarijs suis aut balliuis suis in Anglia. Si autem de terra regis Scotiae aliquis fugitiuus fuerit pro felo­nia in Anglia, nisi voluerit venire ad rectum in curià domini regis Scotiae & stare iudicio curiae, non re­ceptabitur in terra regis, sed liberabitur hominibus regis Scotiae, per balliuos domini regis vbi inuentus fuerit. Praetereà homines domini regis habebunt terras suas quas habebant, & habere debent de domi­no rege & hominibus suis, & de rege Scotiae & ho­minibus suis. Et homines regis Scotiae habebunt terras suas quas habebant & habere debent de do­mino rege & hominibus suis. Pro ista verò conuen­tione & fine firmiter obseruando domino regi & [Page 67] Henrico filio suo, & haeredibus suis, à rege Sco­tiae & haeredibus suis, liberauit rex Scotiae domi­no Regi castellum de Rockesburgh & castellum Puellarum, & castellum de Striuelinge in manu do­mini Regis, & ad custodienda castella assignabit rex Scotiae de redditu suo mensurabiliter ad volunta­tem domini Regis. Praeteria pro praedicta conuen­tione & fine exequendo, liberabit rex Scotiae do­mino Regi Dauid fratrem suum in obsidem & co­mitem Duncanum, & comitem Waldenum, simi­liter alios comites & Barones cum alijs viris po­tentibus, quorum numerus octo-decem. Et quando Castella reddita fuerint illis, Rex Scotiae & Da­uid frater eius liberabuntur. Comites quidem & Barones praenominati vnusquisque postquam libera­uerit obsidem suum, scilicet filium legitimum, (qui habuerit) & alij, nepotes suos, vel propinquio­res sibi haeredes, & castellis (vt dictum est) red­ditis, liberabuntur. Praetereà Rex Scotiae & Ba­rones sui praenominati assecurauerint, quod ipsi bona fide, & sine malo ingenio, & sine occasione facient, vt Episcopi & Barones & caeteri homines terrae suae, qui non affuerunt, quando rex Scotiae cum domino Rege finiuit, eandem ligiantiam & fidelita­tem domino Regi & Henrico filio suo quum ipsi fece­runt: et vt Barones & homines qui affuerunt, ob­sides liberabunt domino Regi, de quibus habere vo­luerit. Praetereà Episcopi, Comites, & Barones con­uentionauerunt domino Regi et Henrico filio suo: Quod si Rex Scotiae aliquo casu, a fidelitate domini [Page 68] regis & filij, & a conuentione praedicta recederit: ipsicum Domino Rege tenebunt, sicut cum ligio do­mino suo, contrà regem Scotiae, & contrà omnes ho­mines ei inimicantes. Et episcopi sub interdicto ponent terram regis Scotiae donec ipse ad fidelitatem Domini Regis redeat. Praedictā itaque conuentionem firmitèr obseruandum bone fide, & sine malo ingenio, Domi­no Regi & Henrico filio suo, & haeredibus suis, à Wilhelmo Rege Scotiae & Dauid fratre suo, & Ba­ronibus suis praedictis & haeredibus eorum, assecura­uit ipse Rex Scotiae, & Dauid frater eius, & omnes Barones sui praenominati sicut ligij homines domini Regis contrà omnem hominem, & Henrici filij Regis, (salua fidelitate patris sui) hijs testibus. Richardo episcopo Abrincensi, Iohanne Salisburiae Decano, Roberto Abbate Malmesburiae, Radulpho Abbate Mundesburg, nec non alijs abbatibus, comittibus, & baronibus, & duobus filijs suis, scilicet Richardo & Galfrido. ex Rog. Houeden.

Besides the deliuery of the three Castles ex­pressed in the former Charter, the Scotish King did absolutely depart with all and surrender vn­to King Henry and to his Heire for euer, the Towne and Castell of Berwicke, which forth­with was committed to the custody of Sir Geffrey Neuille, The Castles of Edenbrough and Rockes­brugh were likewise kept by the kings apoint­ment, by Sir Roger and Sir William de Stut­uille.

This meeting at Yorke was in the yeare 1175. 1175 where this businesse beeing dispatched the two Kings departed in kindnesse, the one into Scot­land, the other towardes London. Not long af­ter, king William vpon his summons repayred to North-Hampton, where King Henrie had called a Parliament. Diuerse Bishops and Abbotes of Scotland attended their king thither to acknow­ledge their subiection to the Church of England according to the Articles comprised in the for­mer Charter, and their ancient custome in for­mer times, but by no meanes they would yeeld thereunto, notwithstanding that the Archbishop of Yorke shewed sufficient proues and priuileges granted by sundrie Bishops of Rome, iustifiyng the right he pretended to the primacie ouer all the Scotish Clergie. But because the Archbi­shop of Canterburie hoped to bring them vn­der his iurisdiction, or else enuying that his in­ferior should be axalted so farre aboue him, hee so wrought with the king his Maister, as that for the present there was no subiection ac­knowledged eyther to the one or other. These two kings liued together in all loue and kind­nesse in so much as the king of England im­ployed king William in his absence, in his more weighty affayres in Normandie. Also hee gaue vnto him to wife his cousin the Ladie Ermen­gard, Daughter to Richard Vicount Beaumonte that was sonne to a Daughter of king William [Page 70] the Conquerour. The mariage was solemnized at Woodstocke at the charge of the King, who withall resigned to the Bridegroome his whole interest in the Castell of Edenbrough, which King William forth-with bestowed vpon his new Wife, as a portion of her dowrie, aug­menting the same with an hundred pounds land by the yeare, and fortie knights fees. Not long before this marriage, Dauid king Williams Bro­ther had marryed also an English woman na­med Mawde, one of the Daughters of Hugh Bohun Earle of Chester, otherwise called Keue­locke, by which marriage hee was strongly al­lyed with the Nobilitie of England: for his wiues three Sisters, Mabell, Agnes, and Ha­uise, were married to Daubigne Earle of Arun­dell, Ferrers Earle of Darbye, and to Quincie Earle of Lincolne. These mariages were meanes of good agreement betweene these two nati­ons for a long time after. Within two or three yeares after the marriage of king William, king Henry deceased, in the fiue and thirtith yeare of his raigne, whome his two Sonnes Richard and Iohn succeeded one after the other. During the raigne of the former, no occasion of quar­rell was offered on either side, but the two kings liued together in all familiaritie and per­fect friendshippe: for immediatly after the co­ronation of king Richard, the Scotish king bee­ing honourablie attended with the Archbishop [Page 71] of Yorke (the kings base Brother) and with di­uerse Barons and others of England, passed tho­rough the realme to Canterburie, where king Richard had assembled in counsell his Lords spi­rituall and temporall.

At this meeting, king William and Dauid his Brother, together, with the English Lords, tooke an oathe to continue true to the king of Eng­land, and to abide in due obedience vnder him and his lawes, beeing now to leaue them for a season: for hee was so farre passed on his iour­ney towards the Holy-land, as it was then cal­led. And the more firmely to binde the Scotish king by his liberalitie to the obseruance of this othe, hee there restored vnto him all the other three Castles at Berwicke, Rockesbrough and Ster­linge, and withall that parte of Northumber­land, which king Henrie his Father had taken from him when hee was his prisoner. Fur­ther king Richard resigned vnto him the coun­ties of Cumberland and Huntington, but with this condition, that all the Castels should still abide in the custodie of such as king Richard should place in them.

Lastly he released him of all further paiments and summes of money due for his ransome, ex­cepting tenne thousand markes, which king Ri­chard presently receiued towards the charge of his iourney. King William to gratifie the king of Englands liberalitie, furnished his brother [Page 72] Dauid (on whome hee then bestowed the Earle­dome of Huntington) with fiue hundred Scotish­men to attend and serue him in that enterprize against the Sarazines. Thus parted these two Kings in most louing manner, with so faithfull a farewell, as that when Iohn (the Kings brother) hearing of his imprisonment in his returne, would haue drawne the Scotish King to haue taken his part in the attaining of the Crowne in his brothers absence (being set on worke by the French King) he vtterly refused to ioyne therein with Iohn, which was the break-neck of that vn­naturall attempt. But when King William vnder­stood of the King of England his returne home, hee together with Earle Dauid his brother (who a little before was returned into Scotland) pre­sentlie repayred to the English Court, where be­ing intertained with all kinde of courtesies, in token of the ioye that hee had vnfainedly con­ceiued for the King of England his safe returne thorow so many great dangers, hee presented him with two thousand markes, towards the re­deeming of his libertie. To gratifie this his kindnesse, King Richard granted to him by spe­ciall Charter, and to his heires kings of Scotland for euer, that when-so-euer hee or any of them should by sommons repaire into England vnto the Court, the Bishop of Durham and the shi­riffe of Northumberland, for the time beeing, should receaue him at the water of Tweede, and [Page 73] safely conduct him to the water of Theese, where the Archbishop of Yorke, and the Sheriffe of the Shire should receiue him of them, and from thence to attend him to the border of the next shire, and in this manner to be atten­ded from shire to shire, by Prelates and She­riffes, vntill hee came to the Court, and an honourable allowance was made him, where­with to defray such expences, as hee and his traine were put vnto, during their abode in England.

While king William remained at the Court, king Richard (thereby to put away as it were the reproche of his late captiuitie) caused him­selfe to bee crowned againe, whereat (for the more honour of that solemnitie) it pleased king William to carie one of the three Swords of estate before the King, accompanied on his right hand with Hamling Earle of Warwicke, and on the other with Ranulphe Earle of Chester, in manner as his Brother Earle Dauid had done before, at the Kings first Coronation, saue that the first place was then giuen to Earle Iohn his Brother. This feast was kept at Winche­ster on the seauenteenth day of Aprill, Anno 1194. 1194 king William beeing now at the point to depart homewards offered the king fifteene thousand markes for the whole country of Nor­thumberland, in manner as Prince Henry his father (who neuer came to the crowne) held the same.

The king yeelded here vnto, so as the Castles were excepted, but still hee importuned him for them also. The King answered, that at his returne againe (for now he was ready to passe into Normandie) hee should finde him willing to satisfie him in any reasonable sort. But it was king Richardes happe after many victories ouer the French Nation during his aboade on that side the Sea for the space of fowre yeares, in the end to die of a wound which hee recei­ued at the siege of the Castle of Chalme by an inuenomed Dart, as he was viewing where he might best vndermine the same. Thus ended king Richard, after hee had raigned nine yeares and as many months: Where-vpon Iohn Earle of Mortaigne his Brother beeing then also on that side the Sea, thorough the industrie of the Queene his Mother, the Archbishop of Can­terbury, and other his fauourites in England, was forth-with proclaimed king. 1199 And to make all the more sure on their side (for they were very iealous ouer his Nephew young Arthure Duke of Britaine, whose right to the Crowne was by manie, especially the Frenchmen, pre­ferred before the others) they promised king William of Scotland to obtaine of king Iohn at his returne ouer, whatsoeuer hee pretended title vnto, within the English Dominions.

The Scotish king beeing thus put in hope to attaine vnto his desire, in token of his good [Page 75] liking and allowance of their proceedings in the behalfe of king Iohn, sent the Bishop of Saint Andrewes to his coronation, with com­mission and instructions to moue and prosecute his demand of restitution of those Landes hee claymed, promising withall to abstaine from all forcible inuasion for the space of fortie dayes, so as within that tearme he might haue a reso­lute answer from the king concerning the same. Here unto King Iohn made answer, that if his cousin the king of Scots would come vnto him, hee should haue at his handes whatsoeuer in reason hee could demand. For the place of their meeting, Notingham was first appoyn­ted, afterwardes Yorke, but king William vpon some occasion, fayling to come to eyther of these two places, king Iohn passed ouer into Normandie, where hauing appeased some broiles stirred vp by the French king in the behalfe of young Arthure, at his returne hee sent an ho­nourable Ambassage into Scotland, to safe con­duct king William into England.

The two kings mett at Lincolne on the one and twenteth daye of Nouember in the second yeare of the raigne of king Iohn, to whome the Scotish king did there homage and fealtie: which seruices beeing performed king Willi­am required restitution of Northumberland, Cumberland and Westmerland, which he claimed as his right and lawfull inheritance; after [Page 76] much parlance there about; king Iohn craued re­spite to consider further of the matter till the Feast of Penticost next following, where-vnto the Scotish king consenting, the Assemblie brak vp, and king William was attended backe a­gaine into Scotland, by those that brought him thither.

But king Iohn, eyther beeing not disposed, or not at leisure to hold the appointed time, sent Ambassadors into Scotland to intreat king William to giue him further daye, to returne him answer touching his former demand. Wher­vnto the other yeelding, gaue him Michel­masse next according to his desire. All this notwithstanding I doe not finde in the Histo­rie of eyther Nation, that king Iohn did at any time after inlarge his possessions within the Realme of England. After this some vn­kindnesse arose betweene them about the rai­sing of a fortification, which the king of Eng­land had built ouer against Berwicke, vppon which occasion, as also by reason that while the Realme stood in the damnable estate, as the world then beleeued, of the Popes terri­ble curse, diuerse of the English Nobilitie and others forsooke their naturall king, and for conscience sake fledd into Scotland (such pow­er had the Papacie ouer mens consciences in those dayes.)

King Iohn not contented there-with, hauing [Page 77] gathered an Armie, and there-with approching the borders of Scotland, hee was incountred at Norham with Ambassadors from King William, (who then being about the age of threescore & ten yeares, was vnfit to fight. At this meeting by mediation of friends a finall peace was made be­tweene them, and for the more assurance there­of the Scotish King deliuered his two Daughters Isabell and Margaret into the custodie of king Iohn to bee bestowed in marriage, when they came to ripe age vpon his two Sonnes. Buchanan saith that it was agreed vpon at this time, that thence-forth the kings of Scotland should no more in their owne persons doe homage to the Kings of England, but those seruices should only be performed by their eldest sons, & for no other then for those lands and possessions which they held within the Realme of England. But here­of appeareth nothing amongst our own writers. About foure or fiue yeares after this agreement king William departed out off this life, whom A­lexander his sonne by the Lady Ermengard afore­said, succeeded, beeing sixteene yeares of age, answerable to the terme that king Iohn had then raigned, of whom in the meane season Prince Alexander receiued the Order of knight-hoode at London.

At the same time, vpon complaint made by the yong Prince (which title hee had newely re­ceiued by creation of his Father) that diuerse [Page 78] rebellious persons had presumed vpon the im­potencie of the Father and Sonne, by reason of the ouer old age of the one, and vnripe age of the other, to oppose themselues against their gouernement, vnder the leading of one Gothred. King Iohn eyther in person (as some write) or rather in powre, (as I take it) accompanying the young Prince, did not onely safe conduct him home, but forthwith ioyning with certaine forces of Scotland, they together incountred the enemies in a set battell, gaue them the ouer­throw, tooke their chiefe Captaine prisoner, and according to his deserts made him shorter by the head. Notwithstanding all this kindnesse yet so fresh in memory that it could not be for­gotten, immediatly vpon Prince Alexander his comming to the Crowne in the yeare of our Lord 1214 his youth easilie neglected the due regard he should haue had of king Iohn his de­serts. 1214 Thus it fell out: amongst others then in fauour with this young king, none was so much accounted of as a Nobleman of England, (yet by birth a Scotishman) one Eustace de vescie, that had married one of his sisters. This Gentleman together with Robert Fitzwalter, and Stephen Ridell had a little before conspired the death of King Iohn, who hauing knowledge thereof sought vnderhand to apprehend them, but they distrusting the matter were glad to flie the Realme, Eustace into Scotland, and the other two [Page 79] into France. These men did afterwards so labour the two Kings of those Nations, that King Alexander (notwith-standing the Pope was then appeased) was perswaded to take part with Lewis the Daulphin, to whome the Barrons of England had disloyallye bound themselues by oath to receiue and serue him, as their law­fullie elected Prince and Soueraigne, reiecting their due allegiance to king Iohn their Liege and naturall king.

The Scotishmen hauing entred into England with a great Armie, tooke the Castle of Nor­ham, wasted and harrowed the countrie with all extremitie. King Iohn made hast with his army to repell the insolency of the Scots, but they would not tarry his comming. The king pursu­ing them to Dunbar wasted the country of Lothi­an, without resistance, and in his returne bur­ned the Abbaye of Coldingham, from whence passing along the Sea coast, not without much damage to the Inhabitants, at last hee tooke by force the towne and Castle of Berwicke, commit­ting it to the custodie of Hugh de Ballioll and Philip de Hulcootes, together with all the Coun­trye bordering on Scotland beyond the Riuer of Theese. King Iohn was hardly returned into the south parts of the Realme, before the French king had sent ouer a strong army to the ayd of the Bar­rons against their king, whō Lewis within fewe months after followed with a new supplie, vnto [Page 80] whose obedience all the Castles, Townes and Fortresses in the South-parts of the realme were subdued, (the Castels of Douer and Windsore one­ly excepted. Neither was the North part of the realme free from these troubles: for Robert de Rosse, Peter de Brocis, & Richard Percie had brought the Citie of Yorke, with all that Countie, vnder subiection to the French-men, in manner as Gil­bert de Gaunt (whome the Dolphine had lately made Earle of Lincolne) had done there also, where the Castell onely held out. Thus was the passage prepared for the Scotish armie, which ad­uancing it selfe forwards in August, about two moneths after the arriuall of the Dolphine, first seized vpon Northumberland wholy, (the Castels excepted, which were so well defended by the Kings party, that the Scotishmen thought it lost labour further to assaile them at that time,) but keeping their course Southward, they came to London with-out any resistance or losse, sauing that Eustace de Vescie (a principall leader amongst them) was slaine with an Arrowe, as he roade in the Scotish Kings companie to view, where to make an assault to the Castle of Barnard in the Countie of Haleewarkefolke, which belonged to Balliol. Lewis was lately departed from London, before the Scotish armie came thither, towards the siege of Douer Castell, whither King Alexan­der with his whole power posted with all speed. But that strong Castell was so manfully defended [Page 81] by Hugh de Borowgh and Gerrard de Scotegame (the principall men therein) that all the pow­er and policie of those two Princes would not suffice to winne the same, for that was a point of such importance, as that the French king had a little before written to his Sonne, that the taking of it was of more auaile vnto his Enterprise, then all that hee had gotten in England besides; which caused the yong Prince to re-enforce his whole endeauor for the ac­complishment of his earnest desire. Here king Alexander did homage to Lewis in manner as hee had done before to king Iohn, acknowled­ging to hold of him as of the lawfull king of England, which done he tooke his leaue of Lew­is and departed homewards, but not so quiet­lie as hee came thither. For the true hearted Englishmen obseruing the behauiour of the Scots, and watching euery fit oportunitie, tooke them at such an aduantage as thereby King Alex­ander lost a great part of his Army, hardly esca­ping an vtter ouerthrow, had not king Iohn died at that instant which gaue them a more happy returne into Scotland then they looked for late­ly before.

This sodaine death of the king (which happe­ned in the yeare 1216) wrought as sodaine an alteration in the state of the present affayres. 1216 For now the barons began better to consider of the matter, hauing found out both by experience [Page 82] (the fooles instructer) and by secret intilligence what little good was to bee hoped for at the hands of their French Champion, if he preuailed in his enterprise. Wherfore diuerse of the English Nobilitie that before had followed that faction, when they vnderstood that young Prince Henrie the kings sonne was proclaimed lawfull inheri­tor and heire aparent to the Crowne of England by William Marshall Earle of Pembroke, Ranulph Earle of Chester, & diuers other of the partakers of the deceassed King, they beganne one after an other to reuolt from Lewis, and to submit them­selues to their yong King, not aboue nine yeares old. Whereupon after some fewe bickrings and incounters by land & sea, between the one partie and the other, wherein the French came still by the worse, Prince Lewis was willing to hearken to peace, which being readilie concluded, he bid farewell to all former his goodly hopes, was ho­norablie conducted to his ships, and transported into France about a yeare and a halfe from his first arriuall in England. Thus in short time by the prouidence of God, and the industry and loyaltie of some principall men of the Nobilitie this nation was deliuered from one of the grea­test dangers that euer it was like to fall into. The yong king hauing raigned vnder protection a­bout foure yeares, and euen then purposing with himselfe, after hee should come to mans state (whereunto his notable and rare towardnesse [Page 83] did hasten him on) to recouer that which his Father had lost on the other side of the sea, and withall knowing that the Scotish nation was of old, too much affected to France: that hee might therefore in time preuent all occasion of trouble on that side, it was brought to passe at Yorke, (where the two kings met by appointment) that king Alexander should take to wife the Ladie Ione sister to king Henrie, and further that Marga­ret the Scotish kings sister should bee giuen in mariage to Hubert de Borowgh, a man in excee­ding great fauour for many worthy partes in him; whereof both his Father and hee himselfe had good tryall, and for those his deserts king Henrie afterwardes created him Earle of Kent. The other sister returned againe into Scotland vnmaried: these two Ladies (as you haue heard before) were committed by their Father to the custodie of king Iohn. These mariages were solemnized at Yorke about Mid-summer Anno. 1219. Diuerse couenants were then sig­ned and sealed by eyther partie for the more assurance of perfect amitie betweene the two Nations, which continued accordingly during the liues of the two kings together, though there were some that practised what they could (for their owne aduantage) to set debate be­tweene them, amongst whom Dauid the pe­ty king of Wales hauing receiued an ouerthrow of the English-men, and there-vppon flying [Page 84] into Scotland did his best indeauor to moue king Alexander to rise in Armes against England, and by such perswasions as hee vsed, so much preuailed that forth-with hee made preparation to inuade the Realme. This was the more easilie compassed by reason that king Alexander had then buried his wife the King of Englands sister, and not hauing had any issue by her, was againe married to the Lady Marie, daughter to Iugel­ram Lord of Coucie, a French-man, so that his former loue and liking towardes England was now happilie abated and buried together with his late deceassed wife Queene Ione. Yet had there then bin an other marriage concluded be­tweene the Lord Alexander the Scotish kings eldest Sonne, and the Ladie Margeret daugh­ter to king Henrie which tooke effect as after shall appeare.

The Scotish Writers report, that king Henrie had then begunne to build a Castle ouer a­gainst Berwicke, in the same place where his fa­ther had before laid the foundation. But what­soeuer was the true cause that mooued king A­lexander to inuade the Realme, although king Henrie was as ready to make resistance as the other was to offer iniury, neuerthelesse by me­diation of friendes of either part, the quarrell was taken vp, and the two kings reconciled one to the other, and for testimonie thereof to all posteritie, a publike writing was drawne, [Page 85] signed and sealed by king Alexander and diuerse of the Nobility of Scotland, acknowledging their allegiance to the King of England, as their supe­or Lord, as followeth.

Alexander Dei gratia Rex Scotiae. Omnibus Chri­sti fidelibus hoc scriptum visuris vel audituris salu­tem. Ad vestram volumus venire notitiam, nos pro nobis & haeredibus nostris concessisse & fidelitèr pro­mississe charissimo & ligio Domino nostro Henrico tertio Dei gratia Regi Angliae, illustri Domino Hi­berniae, Duci Normandiae, & Aquitaniae, & Comiti Andegauiae, & eius haeredibus, quod in perpetuvm bonam fidem, ei seruabimus, paritèr & amorem. Et quod nuncquam aliquod faedus iniemus per nos vel per aliquos alios ex parte nostra, cum inimi­cis Domini Regis Angliae vel Haeredum suorum, ad bellum procurandum vel faciendum vnde damnum eis vel regnis suis Angliae & Hiberniae, aut cae­teris terris suis eueniat, vel possit alequatenùs eue­nire, nisi no iniustè grauent. Stantibus in suo robore conuentionibus inter nos & dictum Domi­num regem Angliae initis vltimò apud Eboracum, in praesentia Domini Othonis tituli S. Nicholai in carcere Tulliano, Diaconi Cardinalis, tunc Aposto­licae sedis Legati in Anglia. Et saluis conuectionibus super matrimonio contrahendo inter filium nostrum & filiam dicti Domini regis Angliae. Et vt haec nostra concessio & promissio pro nobis & haeredibus nostris [Page 86] perpetuae firmitatis robur obteniunt, fecimus iurare in animum nostrum Alanum Ostiarum, Henricum de Baliol, Dauid de Lindesey, Wilhelmum Gif­ford, quod omnia predicta bona fide firmitèr & fi­delitèr obseruabimus. Et similitèr iurari fecimus ve­nerabiles patres, Dauid, Wilhelmum, Galfridum & Clementem, sancti Andreae, Glasconiensem, Dū ­keldensem, Dublinensem Episcopos. Et praeteria Mal­colmum comitē de Fif, fideles nostros, Patricium, co­mitem de Dunbar, Malisium comitē de Strathern, Walterum Cumin comitē de Monteth, Wilhelmū comitē de Mar, Alexandrū comitē de Buchquhā, Da­uid de Hastings comitē de Athol, Robertum de Bruis Alanum Ostiariū, Henricum de Bailiol, Rogerum de Mounbray, Larentiū de Abirnetha, Richardum Cumin, Dauid de Lindesey, Richardū Siward, Wil­helmū de Lindesey, Walterum de Morauia, Wil­helmum Gifford, Nicholaū de Sully, Wilhelmū de veteri ponte, Wilhelmū de Brewer, Anselmū de Mesue, Dauid de Graham, & Stephanū de Suning­ham. Quod si nos vel haeredes nostri, contra concessionē & promissionē praedictū (quod absit) venerimus, ipsi, & haeredes eorū nobis & haeredibus nostris, nullū, contrà concessionē & promissionē praedictā, auxilium, vel cō ­silium impendent, aut ab alijs proposse suo impendi permittent. Imò bona fide laborabunt erga nos & hae­redes nostros, ipsi et haeredes eorū, quòd omnia praedic­ta a nobis et haeredibus nostris, nec non ab ipsis et eorū haeredibus firmitèr et fidelitèr obseruētur in perpetuū. [Page 87] In cuius rei testimontū, tu, nos, quam praedicti Prelati, Comites & Barones nostri praesens scriptum sigillorū suorum appositione roborauimus. Testibus Praelatis, Comitibus & Baronibus superius nominatis. Ann. regni nostri. &c.

This instrument being first signed and sealed by king Alexander himselfe, and afterwards by his Nobilitie, was sent to the King of England at Christmasse following by the Prior of Tin­mouth, who had trauelled diligently and faithful­ly in this businesse to the honor and good liking of both parties. And for further confirmation thereof, another writing was sent to Rome, to the end that this agreement & accord might receiue the more strength frō his Holines. This solemne league was established in the yeare of our Lord 1244. Whereupon Berwick was restored to the king of Scotland, & Carliele (which had bin taken by the Scots in the raigne of king Iohn) was like­wise restored to king Henry, & the antient limits of the two kingdomes were bounded out by the Kings crosse in Steanmore, as before at the a­greement made with the Conqueror. The often intermariages of the one nation with the other (which is the surest band of friendship) caused this good agreement so long between them; for when at any time occasion of vnkindnesse was offered by eyther of the two kings, the Nobi­litie of both sides were so lincked one with the [Page 88] other, in such an indissoluble vnion, that they would not suffer the same to breake out into any hostilitie. But to consummate and perfect (as it were) this Gordian knot, within two yeares af­ter the death of king Alexander the father (which happened in the yeare 1249. his sonne Alexan­der that succeeded (about eight yeares old when his father deceased,) was within two yeares after brought to Yorke, where King Henry on Christ­mas day honoured him with the order of Knight­hood, and the day following, he gaue him in ma­riage his Daughter, the Lady Margaret, accord­ing to the former agreement. At this meeting the young King did homage, in maner as before his father had done, and the League was renewed betweene the two Nations, which continued without any tainte many yeares after. In the meane time, at sundry meetings of the two kings and their Queenes, much kindnesse and friendly demeanour passed betweene them, to the great reioycing of their subiects on both sides. And as occasion required, the one would ayde and as­sist the other. For during the troubles betweene King Henry and his Barons, king Alexander did send vnto his ayde fiue thousand Scots, vnder the leading of Alexander Cumine and Robert Bruis, of whom the greater number was slaine in the quar­rell of the Father and Sonne against their rebel­lious subiects. King Henrie deceasing in the sea­uen and fiftie yeare of his raigne, 1272 Anno 1272. the [Page 89] Scotish king and Queene came into England to the Coronation of king Edward his brother in law, where hauing passed the time in great iol­litie, and acknowledged his allegiance, hee was honourably attended into Scotland. Shortly after his returne thither, Queene Margaret his wife deceased, and (not long after her death) their two sonnes Dauid and Alexander dyed also, the elder brother hauing lately maryed the daughter of the Earle of Flanders, but left no issue behind them. The heauie hand of the Lord ceassed not here, but finally inflicted well nere an vtter ruine and desolation on that kingdome, by taking out of this world (about twelue yeares after) the king himselfe and his whole progenie, if it bee true that is reported in the History of Scotland, this calamitie may seeme to be prefigured in a prodigious apparition, at the second marriage of king Alexander: for as he was leading the Queene his Bride in a dance (according to the manner of such solemnities) there appeared to the whole assembly the similitude of an humaine Anatomy, following and closing vp the traine of the Lords & Ladies that accompanied them. The same yeare viz. Ann. 1285. king Alexander was throwne frō off his horse, and in the fall brake his necke: At his death none remained liuing of his line saue onely one infant, the daughter of his daughter Margaret Queene of Norway. King Edward vnder­standing what had hapned in Scotland, began to [Page 90] thinke with himselfe, how exceeding beneficial it would be to both nations, if by any good meanes they might bee vnited and made one monarchie, wherevpon forthwith hee dispatched Ambassa­dors thether, to make offer of mariage betweene the yong Lady the heire of Scotland, & his sonne Prince Edward heire apparant to the Crowne of England. This was no sooner moued to the lords, but forth-with euery mā gaue free consent, estee­ming it so happy a thing for that kingdome, as nothing could be wished more. The mariage was therefore readily concluded vpon these conditi­ons. That the Scotishmen should be gouerned by their owne Lords and lawes, vntill the issue pro­ceeding of them should be of age to take the go­uernment vpon them. And if it hapned that no issue should thereof spring, or should die before ripe age to gouerne: then the kingdom of Scotlād should descend to the next in bloud to the King last deceased. Herevpon certaine Noble-men of Scotland were presently sent into Norway for the safe conduct of the yong Lady, but it pleased not God at that time to giue so great a blessing to this Islād, for at their returne home they brought heauy newes of her death also. The posteritie of king William of Scotland, grand-father to the last King, being now extinguished, great dissention a­rose about the title & claime to the crowne. The realme by this occasion being diuided into sun­dry factions, was in great danger of an vtter sub­uersion. [Page 91] This controuersie hauing depended a long time, it was thought fit (sithence there was none amongst themselues of powre & authority to decide a matter of so great importance) to re­fer the same to the hearing and award of the king of England, generally reputed of all the competi­tors a fit iudge to determine thereof, according as law and equity should direct him. K. Edward be­ing willing to bestow his trauell to so good pur­pose, and holding himselfe in a sort bound there­vnto, in regard of his right of superioritie ouer that nation, easily consented to their petitions, appointing time & place for the performance of his best indeuore to effect their desire. In the meane time, to the end it might appeare to the world, that he tooke not this office in hand vpon warrant onely of the competitors intreaty, hee caused all the ancient Chronicles & records that could be found either in England or Scotland, to be perused, that (if any question therof should arise) his pretended interest in this action might be suf­ficiently approued. But although this was made so manifest out of Marianus the Scot, William of Malmesbury, Roger Houeden, Henry Huntingtō, Ralph de Diceto & others, as none then liuing could gain­say it: neuerthelesse the Scotish writers haue since that time much depraued the credit thereof by their bare surmises. And therefore it shall not be impertinent, for the better cleering of this point, before I proceed any further in declaratiō of the [Page 92] matter in hand, to examine how truely one of the best learned amongst thē hath not long since peremptorilie affirmed, that there is nothing to show for the proofe of this pretended Supe­rioritie ouer the Kings of Scotland▪ praeter (to vse his owne words) veteres fabulas & recentes iniu­rias, besides old farlies & late iniuries. I will not stand vpon the testimonies fetched from beyond the Danish, and some of the Saxon Kings, be­cause happilie they may seeme not much to the purpose, beeing without the compasse of the last conquerors title, vnder which the succee­ding kings of England must make their claime; but let vs see what interest they can deriue from and vnder him. It is granted that all the kings of Scotland from the conquest till that time, haue done homage one after other to the kings of England, but not for the Realme of Scotland (say they) for what then? forsooth for those landes and signories which they held of the kings of England with in England. I would then gladly know when in the sixt yeare or there-about, of the Conquerors raigne, vpon the conclusion of peace betweene him and king Malcolme of Scot­land, for the auoiding of further controuersie in time to come, the two kingdomes were seuered and diuided by markes and bounds, in so memo­rable manner as is before declared: what landes and possessions did king Malcolme then hold pertaining to the Crowne of England? Cumber­land, [Page 93] (saith Buchanane) that part of Northumber­land (saith an other) that lyeth betweene the ri­uer of Tweed, Cumberland, and Staenmore. well; but whatsoeuer they were, were they not included and contained within those limits and bounds then erected? If not? to what purpose serued that notorious diuision of the two kingdomes? either then haue the Sootish writers erred in the approbation of that most solemne particion, or else must king Malcome then doe homage to the Conqueror for his kingdome of Scotland: which being granted, then let it bee showed, how and when his heires after him were discharged of that seruice. Againe how came it to passe, that in the said sixt yeare of the raigne of the Conquerour, Michael the elect Bishop of Glascoe receaued consecration at the hands of Thomas then the Atchbishop of Yorke, as of the primate of Scot­land, binding himselfe by oath to the obedience of that Sea? Tothade the Bishop of Saint An­drowes did the like, at the commandement of Mal­come the third, king of Scotland. If then a Bishop of England had right to this supremacie ouer the cleargie of Scotland, why should then the like pre­heminence bee denied to the kings of England at that time, ouer the seculer state of the same king­dome? Further what moued King William of Scot­land, together with Earle Dauid his brother, and the Scotish Lords then present, both temporall and spirituall, to acknowledge and sweare fealtie [Page 94] to King Henry the second: forsooth, because his subiects loued him so well, that for his redemp­tion they would haue yeelded to any conditions whatsoeuer. As though king Henry was so vnrea­sonable, that contrary to the custome of all nati­ons, he would not accept of any other submissiō, but that he should be the first king of Scotlād that became his vassaile, when was it euer heard before that kings haue so dealt one with another? as though an vsuall ransome, yea a very small sum, (seeing he was taken with the losse of little bloud or none at all) would haue bin refused for his li­berty? I doubt much whether the Lords of Scot­land would euer haue yeelded to an exacted sub­iection for the loue onely of their king, especially hauing then amongst them the Lord Dauid, a man of so worthy parts, as he was no way inferiour to his brother. Lastly, what mooued king Alexander the third, and his Lords to acknowledge the like allegiance to King Henry the third, the two king­domes being seperated, in manner as at the a­greement betweene the Conqueror and Malcolm Cammoir? Therefore these are friuolous shifts, because they will not seeme altogether mute in a matter so much importing (as they take it) the glory of their Nation. But howsoeuer, some others amongst them haue beene ouer-come with ouer vehement an affection towards their natiue countrie, whereby many times they haue suppressed the trueth, when it sounded some­what [Page 95] too harshe for their hearing: yet I cannot but maruell at Buchanan (a man well learned and iudicious (how hee could be drawne into so per­uerse a conceit of King Edwards demeanure in this action. Where-vnto it is now time to re­turne, hoping a time will come, when as this dif­ference shall not be offensiue any more. The King of England about Easter next, according to his appointment, repaired in [...]o the North-parts, and beeing come to Norham, hee caused all the Prelates and Barons of Scotland, to bee called before him: to whom he declared his readinesse to vnder-take the deciding of this great contro­uersie, concerning a title to a kingdome. That in requiring his assistance, and making offer to stand to his finall sentence therein, they had done no more, then by the duty of their allegiance they were bound vnto; whereof if any amongst them doubted, they might be thorowly satisfied, by taking a view of such records and obseruati­ons as hee caused faithfully to bee gathered out of the best Historiographers of both Nations, which then were openly read amongst them, which being so fresh in memory, no man made further question thereof. Wherevpon King Ed­ [...]ard was acknowledged Superior Lord of Scot­land, of all the competitours, and a writing was drawne, subscribed, and confirmed with their hands and feales, testifying this their voluntarie recognition in these words.

A toux iceulx qui ceste presente lettre verrunt ou orrunt, &c. To all them that this present wri­ting shall see or heare. Florence Earle of Holland, Robert le Bruce Lord of Auuandale, Iohn Cumine Lord of Badenowe, Patrike de Dunbarre Earle of Marche, Iohn de Balliol Lord of Galloway, Iohn Ha­stings Lord of Abergeuennie, Iohn de Vescie insteed of his Father, Nicholas de Sules, and Walter Rosse, send greeting in our Lord. Whereas all we pre­tend to haue right to the kingdome of Scotland, and intend to declare, chalenge, and proue the fame before him that hath the best authoritie, iu­risdiction and reason, to examine our right, and that the noble Prince the Lord Edward, by the grace of God King of England, by good and suf­ficient reasons, hath informed vs, that the superi­or domination of Scotland, belongeth to him, and that hee ought to haue the knowledge, hearing, examining, and defyning of our right: we of our free-willes, without all violence and constraint, do will, consent, and grant to receiue our right before him, as the superiour Lord of our land. We will also and promise, that we shall haue and hold his deed for firme and stable, and that hee shall haue the kingdome, vnto whom before him best right shall giue the same. In witnesse where­of we haue to these letters put our seales. Yeuen at Norham the Tuesday next after the feast of the Ascension of our Lord, in the yeare 1291. for the more strong ratification hereof, the King [Page 97] further demanded full possession and seisure of the realme of Scotland, as also for the better strengthning of his estate, to whome the same kingdome should be by him adiudged, wherevnto they all agreed by writing also, vnder their seue­rall hands and seales, as followeth.

A toux iceulx, &c. To all those which this pre­sent writing shall see or heare. Florence Earle of Holland, Robert de Bruce Lord of Annandale, Iohn de Balliol Lord of Galloway, Iohn de Hastings Lord of Abergeuennie, Iohn Cumin Lord of Badenawe, Pa­tricke de Dunbarre Earle of Marche, Iohn de Vescie insteed of his Father, Nicholas de Sules, and William de Ros, send greeting in our Lord. Because that of our owne willes and common consents, without all constraint, we doe consent and grant vnto the noble Prince, the Lord Edward, by the grace of God king of England, that he as superior Lord of Scotland, may heare, examine, define & determine our claimes, chalenges & petitions, which we in­tend to shew and proue for our right, to be recei­ued before him as superior Lord of the land, pro­mising moreouer, that we shall take his deed for firme and stable, and that he shall inioy the king­dome of Scotland, whose right by declaration shall best appeare before him: whereas then the sayd king of England cannot in this maner take know­ledge, nor fulfill our meanings without iudge­ment, nor iudgment ought to be without execu­tion, nor execution may in due forme bee done [Page 98] without possession and seisme of the said lands and castels of the same. We do will, consent and grant, that he as Superior Lord to performe the premisses, may haue the seisure of all the land and Castels of the same, till they that pretend title to the crowne be satisfied in the sute: so that before he be put into possession and seisure, he find suffi­cient surety to vs that pretend title, & to the war­dens, and to all the cōmonaltie of the kingdome of Scotland, that he shal restore the same kingdom with all the royaltie, dignitie, signorie, liberties, customes, rights, lawes, vsages, possessions, and all and whatsoeuer the appurtinances in the same state, wherein they were before the seisme to him deliuered: vnto him to whom by right it is due, according to the iudgemēt of his Maiesty, sauing to him the homage of that person that shall bee king. And this restitution to be made within two months after the day, in which the right shall be discussed and established: the issues of the same land in the meane time shall be receiued, laid vp, & put in safe keeping, in the hands of the Cham­berlaine of Scotland that now is, & of him, whom the King of England shall to him ioyne and asso­tiate, and this vnder their seales, reseruing and al­lowing the reasonable charges for the sustentatiō of the land, the Castles and officers of the king­dome. In witnesse of all the which premises, wee haue vnto these set our seales: giuen at Norham the wednesday next after the feast of the Ascensiō [Page 99] of our Lord, in the yeare 1291. Besides these two former deeds from the competitors themselues, he receiued the like assurance from all the princi­pall officers and Magistrates of that realme. So as by a free and generall consent, he was acknowled­ged their supreame Lord, and was accordingly in­tituled in sundry Proclamations and publique Edicts, directed forth in his name.

King Edward hauing receiued at their hands these instruments of allegiance, as their proper and voluntary deeds, and also their seuerall ho­mages, either in his owne person, or by his depu­ties, according to the order giuen in that behalfe: he was finally put in full possession of the realme of Scotland, and hauing occasion to returne pre­sently into England to solemnize the exequies of his Mother, hee committed the gouernment and custodie of the realme in his absence, to the Bishops of Saint Androwes and Glascoe, and to the Lords Iohn Cumin and Iames Steward, who be­fore had giuen the King possession. At his re­turne out of England, at Midsomer following, hee sent out sommons to all those that made claime to the Crowne of Scotland, to repaire vnto him, and hauing heard what each one could say for himselfe, hee perceaued that the question rested onely betweene Iohn Balliol and Robert Bruce, so as that all the rest were thence­forth vtterly excluded and barred from all fur­ther title or claime. These two deriued their [Page 100] titles from Dauid Earle of Huntington, brother to William late King of Scottes in this maner. This Dauid had issue by Mawde his wife, one of the daughters of Hugh Bohune Earle of Chester (as is aforesaid) three daughters: Margaret the eldest was maried to Alaine Lord of Galloway, who had issue together, three daughters also, of whom the eldest (named Dernagil) was maried to Iohn Bal­liol, the parents of this Iohn Balliol, one of the two competitors. Isabell the second daughter of the foresaid Dauid, was married to Robert Bruce, be­tweene whom was begotten this Robert Bruce the other competitour. He claimed the Crowne, as next heire male: the other made claime in the right of his mother, who was the next heire in bloud, and (as wee say in England) heire at the common-lawe. Bruce alleadged, that hee was to bee preferred before the Mother of Balliol, be­cause the heire male must carry away the inheri­tance of a kingdome from the heire female, mee­ting in the selfe same degree of bloud, as in this case it stood betweene him and Dernagill. To this end he alleadged a late president in the like con­trouersie about the Duchie of Burgundie, which the Earle of Neuers claimed in the right of his wife, grand-child to the last Duke by his eldest sonne, which notwithstanding, the brothers in­heritance was adiudged to the Dukes yonger sonne. King Edward hauing heard the allega­tions and answeres of both parties, caused [Page 101] then to be inrolled, but because the matter was of the greatest importance (life onely excepted) and therefore required good deliberation, hee refer­red the further proceeding therein till Michael­masse following, and returned into England. In the meane time, for his better instruction, he ac­quainted the most learned Lawyers as well of France as of this nation, with the whole state of the cause, and receaued their generall resolution therein. At the time prefixed he repaired againe into the North-parts, and comming to Berwicke, hee called thither the two competitours, toge­ther with the greater number of the Lords of Scotland, to receiue there a finall end of this con­trouersie. Out of this great assembly of the most graue and best experienced personages of both Nations, hee made choise of a certaine number, as well English as Scottish, to whom (as to a Iurie royall, sworne and admonished to deale vpright­lie) the King gaue full authoritie, to name him, that vnto them appeared, vpon the examination of their seuerall titles, and the resolution of the Lawyers therevpon (which was deliuered vnto them) to haue the better right vnto the crowne of Scotland. These men being put a part by them­selues, and hauing examined, considered, and sufficiently debated, the prooues, allegations, and whatsoeuer could be said on either side, they all with one full consent and voyce, pronounced Iohn Balioll the true and vndoubted heire to the [Page 102] Crowne of Scotland. King Edward allowing their verdit, gaue sentence accordingly. Whervpon he was forthwith proclaimed king of Scotland, on condition, that if hee did not gouerne his king­dome with equitie & iustice, then vpon iust com­plaint thereof the king of England might put to his helping hand, by some good meanes to pro­cure reformation, as he was bound therevnto by his right of Superioritie, which in him was an­ciently inuested. Further hee awarded out his writtes of deliuery of seisme at the sute of Balli­ol, vnto the Bishops aforesaid, and to Iohn Lord Cumin, Iames Lord Steward, and Brian Fitz-alline wardens of Scotland, commanding them to deli­uer vnto Iohn Balliol, the full seisme and possession of that land, sauing the relieues and other pay­ments due to him of the issues and profits of the same, vnto the day of the date of that writ, being the xix. of Nouember, in the twentith yeare of the raigne of King Edward, Anno Domi. 1291. also an other writte was likewise directed the same day, to such as had the keeping of the Ca­stels, in forme following.

Edwardus dei gratia Rex Angliae, &c. Edward by the grace of God King of England, Lord of Ire­land, Duke of Aquitaine, and Superiour Lord of the realme of Scotland.
To his welbeloued and faithfull seruant Peter Burdet Constable of the Castell of Berwicke, sendeth greeting.

Whereas Iohn Balliol in Parliament lately holden at Berwick [Page 103] vpon Tweede, came before vs, and demanded the sayd realme of Scotland to be adiudged to him by vs, and seisme of the same to bee to him deliue­red, as next heire to Margaret Daughter to the King of Norway, Lady of Scotland by right of succession: wee hauing heard and vnderstood the same petitions and reasons, beeing diligently weyed and examined, wee finde the sayde Iohn Balliol to bee next heyre to the Crowne of Scot­land. Where-vpon wee haue deliuered vnto him seisme and possession thereof. Wee therefore command you, that you deliuer vp vnto the sayd Iohn Balliol, or to his Atturneys, that shall bring with them these our Letters, the seisme of the sayd Castell of Berwicke, with all the appurte­nances, together with all other things to you deliuered by Indenture, in manner as you recea­ued the same, with the custodie of the sayd Ca­stell to you committed, and this without delay.

Witnesse our selfe at Berwicke vpon Tweede the nineteenth day of Nouember, in the 20. yeare of our raigne.

In the same forme were writtes directed to all the keepers of the other Castels and manors be­longing to the crowne of Scotland, and being then in their custodie to whom K. Edward had before granted the same. Then also in the presence of the new king and the nobles of Scotland; the new seale which had bin before committed by King Edward to the gouernors of the realme of Scotlād, during [Page 104] the time of vacancie was broken, and put vp to be reserued in the treasurie of the King of Eng­land in token of his superiority, and the trust committed vnto him for the ending of this con­trouersie. The next day the Scotish king did fe­altie in the Castle of Norham, vnto king Edward for his kingdome in manner following.

This heare you, my Lord Edward, King of England, Soueraigne Lord of the Realme of Scot­land. That I Iohn Balliol king of Scotland (which I hold and claime to hold of you) shall be faithful and loyall, and owe faith and loyaltie, vnto you; I shall beare of life and member, and of earthly honour against all people, and lawfully I shall acknowledge, and doe the seruices, which I ought to doe to you for the Realme of Scot­land aforesaid. So God mee helpe. And for more testimonie hereof hee caused letters pa­tents to bee sealed & deliuered to King Edward in the presence of the Bishoppes of S. Andrewes and Glasco, and of diuers others of the Nobilitie of both Nations. This done King Edward ap­pointed the bishop of Durham, and the Lord Iohn S, Iohn, to attend Balliol into Scotland and to put him into the corporall possession of the Land, which was performed accordingly. For on S. Andrewes day following he was crowned at Scone in the Marble chaire in the Abbey, the solemni­ties ended he returned backe to New-castle vpon Tine, where king Edward kept his Christmasse [Page 105] that yeare, and there vpon Saint Stephens daye the Scotish king did homage to king Edward in manner following.

My Lord, Lord Edward king of England, Supe­rior Lord of Scotland. I Iohn de Balliol king of Scot­land doe acknowledge mee to bee your Liege­man of the Realme of Scotland with all the apur­tenances and whatsoeuer belongeth thereto. The which kingdome I hold, and ought of right to claime to hold by inheritance of you and your heyres kings of England: And I shall beare faith and loyaltie to you and to your heyres kings of England of life, of member and earthly honour against all men which may liue and die.

The two kings hauing spent some time there together, with much ioy and reuell, tooke their leaues one of the other, and parted in great kind­nes. Thus was this controuersie decided and ta­ken vp, which had continued from the death of Alexander the last king before him, vnto this mans coronation sixe yeares and eight monthes, & nowe within that tearme of months, ended by king Edward to the exceeding great benefit of that nation, had not their inconstancie immedi­atlie afterwards bereaued them thereof, and tur­ned the good which they might haue gained therby, well nere to their vtter cōfusion, as in the History following shall appeare.

The next yeare af [...]er that king Balliol was thus established in his kingdome, a controuersie [Page 106] arose concerning titl [...] of Land betweene Mac­duffe Earle of Fife (who in the time of the inter­raigne was one of the sixe, to whom the gouern­ment of the Realme was committed) and the fa­milie of the Abernethes (men of good place also) one of these kild the Earle, whose brother ma­king complaint thereof to his king, was not on­ly little regarded therein, but vpon the hearing of the matter in controuersie, hee gaue iudge­ment against him. Macduffes brother hauing lost both his land, and found the King ouer-slow in taking reuenge for the iniury offered his familie, appealed to the king of England, where-vpon king Balliol was called to London to answer to the others accusatiō. The two kings sitting together in Parlament, the Plaintife propounded his cō ­plaint. The Scotish king beeing the partie defen­dant, was intreated to remoue (according to the order obserued in such cases) into an inferiour place, to answer and to plead for himselfe (for it is not the manner of that most honourable assē ­bly to admit counsell on either side) This dis­grace (saith Buchanan) first moued king Balliol to breake off friendship with England: for the warre beeing euen then in that Parliament rene­wed with France, he was thereby the more easi­ly drawne to enter into league and alliance with that Nation.

King Edward hauing had secret intelligence of the Scotish kings inclination to reuolt (being [Page 107] then returned into Scotland, to the ende hee might sound out the truth, hee required his ayde and assistance in his intended warre with France, where-vnto hee receiued so doubtfull an answer, as that hee was thereby brought into more distrust with the king of England, and therefore sending againe into Scotland, hee re­quired to haue the custodie of the Castles of Berwicke, Edenbrugh and Rockesbrugh deliuered vnto him, for the better assurance of his loy­altie, during the continuance of the warre with France.

Heere-vnto the Lords of Scotland tooke vp­on them to answer (for theyr king would not yet openlie oppose himselfe) that they were Free-men borne, and therefore would neuer yeeld to that seruitude, where-vnto their king had vnaduisedly subiected himselfe: that his priuate act (how voluntary soeuer) could not bind his subiects, because without the gene­rall consent of the States of the whole Realme, nothing could bee established, which concer­ned the whole bodie of the Common-weale. That the League now renewed with France was of fiue hundred yeares continuance, which for the conueniencie and necessitie thereof, was to bee preferred before the late and lesse pro­fitable amitie and alliance with England. And to approue these wordes with their deedes, the Townes-men of Berwicke made an assault [Page] vpon certaine English Marchants that were at Anchor in the Hauen, of whome many were wounded, some slaine, and the residue forced to flie, who at their returne home informed the king thereof. He now perceiuing the affection of that Nation towards him, purposed forth-with to in­uade that realme. But in the meane time (thereby to conceale his resolution,) hee sent a solemne Ambassage thither, sommoning king Iohn to make his appearance at New-castle within cer­taine dayes, there to show cause, why (contrary to his faithfull promise) hee had entred into league with his enemy the French King, of whom he could not receaue so much good, as hee was likely to sustaine harme thereby from him, and further, that it was not possible to serue two mai­sters of so contrary disposition, without offence to the one or other. But King Iohn holding him­selfe much iniured by king Edward, returned vnto him letters of complaint, which was all the an­swer he would affoord him. The Armie being as­sembled, and king Edward there-with approch­ing Warke Castell, seauen Earles of Scotland, namely Bouchan, Menteth, Stratherne, Lennox Ro [...], Atholl and Marre, with Iohn Cumin the maister of Badenaw, hauing gathered together fiue hun­dred horsemen, and ten thousand foote-men in Amandale, on Monday in Easter weeke entred into England, on that side, and passing towards Carleil put all to fire and sword, that stood in their [Page 113] way, but the towne was so well defended, as that they gaue ouer the siege on Thurseday follow­ing, and returned againe into Scotland. The same day king Edward with his armie passed ouer the Riuer Tweede, and summoned Berwick, offering peace vpon certaine conditions: which beeing refused he approched and lodged in the mona­stery of Caldestrenie, his army consisting of foure thousand horse, and thirtie thousand footemen. He had appointed certaine ships to the number of foure and twenty to scoure the Coast therea­bout, to cut off accesse to the Towne by sea, who vpon some signe giuen them from the army, pla­ced on a plaine in battell araie within their view, entred the Hauen, and offering to land were as­sayled by the Towns-men. While the fraye con­tinued not without some more losse on the Eng­lish partie, the king with his Armie hauing in the meane time passed ouer a ditch, cast vppon purpose to haue hindred his approch on that side, entred the towne without loosing any man of name, saue onely Sir Richard Cornewall. But the Scotish writers report otherwise of this ex­ploite. That the King dispayring to take the towne by force, deuised what might be wrought by policie, and therefore fayning to depart ray­sed the siege, causing a rumor to bee spread by certaine Scots his adherents in heart, that king Iohn was at hand withall his powre to relieue the Towne. This newes beeing brought to Berwicke [Page 114] by such in whome they reposed trust, forth-with the Gallants and they of the best account, set­ting open the Gates issued out to meete theyr king: King Edward watching the exspected ad­uantage got betweene them and home, and so entred without anie great resistance. Howso­euer it was brought to passe, it seemeth by the exceeding great number of Scots then slaine, and the small losse or none at all of Englishmen that there was some cunning vsed in the taking of the Towne. For at the least seauen thousand of them were thereat slaine, beeing the verie choise men of all Lothian and Fife. This happe­ned on the thirteth of March, in the yeare of our Lord 1296.

The King remained there fifteene dayes: in which time he fortified the Towne with a ditch cast about it fourescore foote deepe and as much ouer. While he stayed here he receiued Letters from king Iohn, wherein hee againe complay­ned of sundry wrongs offered vnto him, in re­gard whereof he renounced all such homage and fealtie by him and his subiects to bee any more acknowledged due vnto him. The King hauing heard the letter read commanded his Chancelor to inrole it. In the meane time the Scotish Army, whereof I haue spoken before, diuiding it selfe into two seuerall companies, the one part vn­der the leading of the Earle of Buquhan, en­tred by Cumberland, the other by Riddesdaile, [Page 115] burning the villages & putting all to sword they met withall in most furious manner, and hauing euen glutted themselues with bloud, they retur­ned home with all their pillage and bootie. The Earle of Dunbar came to Berwicke and submitted himselfe withall hee had vnto the Kings plea­sure, but in the meane season his Castle, by the practise of his wife was rendred vnto the Scottes, for the recouery whereof the Earles of Warwicke and Warren with a great power were forthwith sent thither by the king.

The English-men hauing beseeged the Castle were set vpon by the Scots, betweene whome was fought a most bloudie battell: but in the end the Englishmen had the victory, the number of Scots slaine in fight and flight (the chase con­tinuing eight miles) were about ten thousand, the Noblemen escaped by recouering the castle: On the next morning (being the eight and twen­teeth day of Aprill) at the king of Englands comming thither, the Castle was forth-with surrendred vnto him, wherein were taken pri­soners the Earles of Monteith, Cassills and Ros, sixe Barons, namely, Iohn Cumin the younger, William Sincler, Richard Siward the elder, Iohn Fitz-geffrey, Alexander. de Mortaigne, Edmond Cumin of Kilbird, besides thirty knights, and aboue that number of Lairdes and chiefe Gen­tlemen.

All these were sent into England & bestowed in [Page 116] places of safe keeping. From hence the king mar­ched vnto the Castle of Roxbrough, which incon­tinentlie yeelded it selfe; the liues saued of all within the same. Amongst whom the Lord Ste­ward of Scotland was the principall man. After this the King beseeged the strong Castle of Eden­brugh, which after fifteene dayes was surrendred vpon the like condition. The Castle of Striue­ling, at the kings approach beeing left de­solate, and hauing the gates set wide open, of­fered it selfe vnto his entrance. King Edward fol­lowing his good fortune passed from hence ouer the forth, and about Midsomer came to the Towne S. Iohn, While hee remained there, king Iohn now dispayring to recouer by force his ma­nifold losses, sought by intreaty to be reconciled and receiued into grace: which at length was granted, so as king Iohn and his Nobilitie ac­knowledging their error resigned the kingdome of Scotland into the hands of king Edward in mā ­ner following.

Iehan per le grace de Dieu, &c. Iohn by the grace of God, king of Scotland; To all those that these present Letters shall see or heare, sendeth gree­ting. Because that wee through euill counsell and our owne simplicitie, haue grieuously offen­ded our Soueraigne Lord, Edward by the Grace of God king of England, Lord of Ireland and Duke of Aquitaine in many things, that is to say, [Page 117] In that whereas wee being and abiding vnder his faith and homage, haue bound our selues vnto the king of France, which then was his enemy & yet is, procuring a marriage with the Daugh­ter of his Brother Charles de valois: And that wee might vex our sayd Lord, and aide the king of France withall our powre by warre, and other meanes: we haue at length by aduise of peruerse counsell defied our sayd Lord, the King of Eng­land, and haue put our selues out of his allegiance and homage, and sent our people into England, to burne houses, to take spoiles, to commit mur­ther, with many other damages, and also in forti­fying the kindome of Scotland, which is of his fee, putting armed men into townes Castells and o­ther places, to keepe the Land against him, & de­fraud him of his fee. For the which transgressi­ons our sayd soueraigne Lord the king entring into the realme of Scotland with his powre, hath conquered and taken the same, notwithstanding all that we could do against him, as by right hee might do, and as appertained to a Lord ouer his fee, because that wee did render vnto him our homage, and yet neuerthelesse made the foresaid rebellion. Wee therefore, it being yet in our po­wre, & free-wil do surrēder vnto him the realme of Scotland and al the people of the same with the homages. In witnesse whereof wee haue caused these our letters patentes to be drawne. Giuen at Brechin the tenth day of Iuly in the fourth yeare [Page 118] of our raigne sealed with the cōmon seale of the kingdome of Scotland. This done, king Edward ha­uing receiued the Son of Balliol, in pleadge of his fathers fidelity, passed on further to see the moū ­taine Countries, the Bishop of Durham euer kee­ping a daies iornay before him: after hee had pas­sed thorowe the land of Murrey, and was come to Elghin, perceiuing al the Country quiet, he re­turned to Berwicke, whether he sommoned all the Noblemen of Scotland of whom he receiued their seuerall homages confirming the same vnder their hands and seales in forme following.

Atouz ceux qui cestes lettres verrent. &c. To all those that these present letters shall see or heare. We Iohn Cumin of Badenaw &c. Do hereby vowe and promise for vs and our heires, vpon paine of body and goods and of all that we haue, that wee shall serue the most Noble Prince and our dea­rest Lord Edward by the grace of God king of England &c. well and truly against all men which may liue and die, at all times when we shalbe re­quired or warned by our said Lord the king of England or his heires. And that we shall not know of any hurt to be done vnto them, but the same wee shall let and impeach with all our power, and giue them warning thereof. And these things to hold and keepe, we bind vs, our heires & all our goods. And further do receiue an oth thereof vpon the holie Euangelists. And after [Page 119] all, wee and euery one of vs haue done homage vnto our soueraigne Lord, the king of England in these words.

I become your liedge man of life, members & earthly honour, against all men which may liue and die. And our sayd soueraigne Lord the king, receiued this homage vnder this forme of words. We receiue it for the land of the which you bee now seased, the right of vs or others saued, & ex­cept the lands which Iohn Balliol (sometime king of Scotland) graunted vnto vs after that we did de­liuer vnto him the kingdome of Scotland, if hap­pily he hath giuen vnto you any of those landes. Moreouer al we and euery one of vs by himselfe haue done fealty to our sayd soueraigne Lord the king in these words.

I as a faithfull and leidge man shall keepe faith and loyaltie vnto Edward king of England and to his heires, of life, member and earthly honour a­gainst all men which may liue and die. And shall neuer for any person beare armoure, or shalbe of counsell, or aide any person against him or his heires in any case that may chaunce, but shall faithfully acknowledge and do the seruice that belongeth to the tenements I clame to hold of him as God mee helpe.

In witnesse wherof these letters pattents are made and signed with our seales. Giuen at Warke the 24. of March in the yeare of the raigne of our sayd Lord the king of England fiue and twentieth.

King Edward hauing appointed Iohn Warren Earle of Surrey warden of Scotland, Hugh Cressing­ham Treasurer, and William Drusbie chiefe Ius­tice, and sent a conuenient companie to attend and safe conduct Iohn Balliol and some of the principall Lords of that realme into England, he followed soone after him selfe. Balliol had liberty to take recreation within the circuite of twenty miles about London, the rest were charged on paine of death not to passe out of England till the king had made an end of his warre with France, which now he was to vndertake and to that end (after his returne home about the latter ende of summer) hauing prepared all things fit for that iorney, hee passed ouer into Flanders where hee remained vntill the next spring, and then retur­ned backe againe, by reason of a rebellion (all­readie begun in Scotland a little before his go­ing ouer) and now by his absence was growne more dangerous, then it was at the first thought it could proue. The chiefe Captaine hereof was one Wallais a Scotishman, whose meane estate had well neere worne out the memorie of his ancestry, yet neuerthelesse showed himselfe, e­uen in his greatest penury, of courage not inci­dent to a vulgar and base spirit. This gallant wearied with his obscure and abiect condition of life, hauing nothing to loose besides it, neither valewing the same at anie great price, beganne to pluck vp his benummed spirites, and to [Page 121] be-thinke him-self, how to make way vnto the at­chieuement of some famous and valorous ex­ploite, fortune was so fauorable vnto him, that he was sodenly aduanced beyond al mens exspec­tation (for the extraordinary successe of his in­terprices) to the title and dignity of the viceroye of Scotland. For, hauing assembled a great number of his Countrimen of like qualitie vnto him­selfe, hee set vpon the English forces, beating them to their holdes, and recouering into his possession, all the places of strength which they held on the further side of the frith of Eden­borugh. The report hereof being brought in­to England, the Earle of Surrie was succored with newe supplie of Souldiours from thence, with whome hee passed against the enemies then in­camped on the further side of the frith. The Earle together with the Lord Hugh Cressingham, beeing come with their armie to Striueling bridge, where they were to passe ouer vnto them, after that the greater number conducted by the Lord Cressingham were on the further side, the bridge (beeing but of wood) brake a­sonder, so as the residue of the army could not follow their fellowes. Walleis taking the ad­uantage set vpon the Englishmen on that side, be­fore they could bee brought into any good or­der of battaile, by which meanes beeing ouer­pressed also with multitude, they were well-nere all, to the number of sixe thousand men, [Page 122] togeather with their Captaine slaine or drow­ned in the riuer. This misfortune happened to the Englishmen about the middest of September, in the yeare of our Lord God 1297. The Earle bestowing his companies there where was most need, returned into England with all speed. But Wallais following his good fortune, left no­thing vnattempted that might augment his glo­rie and renowne. For immediatly there-vpon hee inuaded Northumberland, from whence pas­sing thorow the Forrest of Inglewood, Cumber­land and Alerdaile, till hee came vnto Dewent at Cockermouth, wasting and spoiling all in his walke, but comming to New-castle, the Towne was so well defended, that giuing ouer the siege, and hauing deuided the spoile amongst his peo­gle, they returned home in the Calends of Fe­bruarie next following. While the Scottes thus ranged at their pleasure in the East Marches, the lord Clifford with the power of Carliele entred into Annandale, committing all to the spoile of their foot-men. The Horse-men (being not aboue an hundred) gaue a charge vpon the eni­mie neere to Annand Kirke, droue them into a Marish, wherein the English foot-men (being not farre behinde) assailing them, slew about three hundred, and tooke the rest prisoners, with whome they returned home on Christmasse euen: About the beginning of the next Spring the Earle of Surrey (lord warden of Scotland) desi­rous [Page 123] to bee reuenged on the rebellious Scots, as­sembled his Armie at Yorke, hauing first summo­ned the lords of Scotland to meete him there at an appointed day. But they in the meane time ioy­ning with Wallais, had besieged the Castell of Rox­brough. The Earle hearing thereof, hasted thither with all speede, but Wallais with his adherents would not abide his approach. Then hauing re­lieued that Castell with victuals and other neces­saries, he passed forth to Kelsay, and from thence to Berwicke, which the enimie had lately desola­ted, the Castell onely excepted. Hither came letters from the King, shewing that he had taken truce with the French King, and commanding the lord warden of Scotland to make no further attempt, then to defend the frontiers of England, vntill his comming ouer, which should bee very shortly. Here-vpon a great part of the armie was sent home, such onely remained, which might suf­fice for the re-manning of the towne and castell. K. Edward at his returne home, gaue summons to the lords of Scotlād, to attend him at Yorke, where hee had appointed to hold a Parliament: but be­cause they made default of their appearāce at the prefixed day, he forthwith sent out his letters to warne all his subiects, able to beare armor, to be ready furnished at Roxburgh on Midsomer day following, which being come, thither repaired about 3000. men of Armes, mounted on barbed horses, besides 4000. light hors-men, and a great [Page 124] number of footmen, the better part Welchmen & Irishmen. The whole armie beeing come within Scotland to a place called Fonkerke, about foure miles from Sterling where the Scots lay, was de­uided into three battailes. The formost was leade by the Earles, Marshall, Hereford and Lincolne. The second by the Bishop of Durham (a martiall prelate) The rereward was conducted by the king himself. In like manner the Scotish army was deuided into three. The first was lead by Iohn Cumine, the second by Ioh. Steward. And the third, by the valiant Captaine William Wallais, the whole consisted of some thirtie thousand men well and strongly apoynted. At the first incoun­ter the Scotish horsemen were put to flight, some fewe only excepted that kept the footmen in or­der, the second battaile being assailed by the Eng­lishmen both before and behind, after some small resistance was also wholy ouer [...]hrowne, fewe or none escaping with life, Wallais hauing manfully maintained the fight while hee was able to make resistance, and now seeing himselfe ouercharged a front, and Bruce at his backe (who serued that day on the English part) readie to intrap him, hee thought it best to saue himselfe, in as good sort as hee could, and therefore retyring with those few that remayned, to the further side of the ri­uer Carront, he so escaped. After this ouerthrowe hee neuer appeared any more in the field, but greeuously complayning of the enuy and malice [Page 125] which the Scotish Nobility bare towards him, hee renounced al the authority committed vnto him and withdrew himselfe to his accustomed solita­rinesse. About seauen years after this, he was be­traied by one of his most familier friendes, sent into England, arrained and condemned of trea­son, and for the same executed, his head was set on London bridge, and his foure quarters besto­wed vpon the gates of the chiefe Cities and townes of England and Scotland. The Scotish wri­ters do hieghly commend the notable courage and resolution of this man, who alone would ne­uer be won by faire means or fowle, to yeald him selfe to the enemies (as he tooke it) of his coun­tries liberty, but still to his power defended the same by all means that possibly hee could deuise. This blouddy battaile was fought on Mary Mag­delens day in the yeare of our redemption 1298. Whereat was slaine Iohn Steward brother to the Lord Steward, Macduff Earle of fife, & the valiant knight Saint Iohn Graiham, besids many other of good reckning, in the whole to the number of 1500. at the least, with very smal losse or none at all (to speake of) of the English party. This victory thus atcheiued the English army marched for­wards to the towne of S. Andrewes, from thence thorow Selkerke forest to the Castel of Aire, but no-where they found resistance: then comming to the towne of Anuan they tooke the Castel of Lochmaben, and so returned into England by the West marches. In this iorney diuerse of the Scotish [Page 126] Nobilitie & others, vpon hūble submission were againe receiued into fauour. While king Edward remained at Carliele he called a Parlament, wher­at he bestowed lands and possessions within Scot­land on the Noblemen of England that attended on him: vnto Earles he gaue Earledomes, to Ba­rons Baronies, and to others according to their degrees. About the beginning of the next yeare he returned to London. He was no sooner out off Scotland with his army, but presently there was a new Viceroy set vp, one of the Cumines, who be­gan to raise new stirs there, amongst some other they tooke the Castle of Striueling. But vn­derstanding that king Edward was gathering new forces wherewith to enter into Scotland againe, they began to consult what was best to be done, not only for the preuēting of his presēt approch but especially for the recouery of the kingdome, which was now in great danger by cōquest to be annexed to the Crowne of Engl: In the end they resolued with all speed to procure an abstinence from war, to the intent that in the meane season the might labor Pope Boniface, to take vpon him the protection of the realme of Scotland: there­by to auoid & shake off al maner of subiection to the king of England: for the Pope had lately be­fore so far preuailed alreadie with king Edward, as that at his intreaty Iohn Balliol was committed to the custodie of the Bishop of Cambray, who vndertooke in the Popes behalfe, that his liberty should not preiudice the quiet estate of either [Page 127] nation Engl: or Scotland. According to this their resolution, the lords of Scotl: procured Philip de Valois the French king, to effect this their desired truce: which was granted for eleuen months, to Whitsontide following, beeing the more easilie cōpassed by him, by reasō king Edward had lately before married his sister. Hereupon for this time the army was dissolued being euen ready to haue entred into Scotlād. In the meane time the Scotish lords sent Ambassadors to Rome, presēting to the Pope a grieuous complaint of the proceedings of king Edward. That hee was fully bent to make a conquest of their country, vnlesse it would please his Holines, by the vertue of his prerogatiue in such cases to cōpound & order all differences as wel amongst thēselues, as also betweene the king of Engl: and them, at his will and pleasure, wher­unto they would willingly submit themselues.

The Pope gaue eare to their petition, hoping to gaine somthing by the bargaine, for with him no peny, no Pater noster. And first he began to quarrel with king Edward, because he would not at his intreatie restore vnto Edward Balliol those landes in England which descended vpon him, by the death of Iohn Balliol his father now latelie de­ceassed. Then he forbad him from thence-forth to make war with the Scots, because they had sub­mitted themselues to the protection of the Sea Apostolicall, in whose power it now only rested to dispose of their kingdome, as seemed best to the [Page 128] same. And by way of preuention he further de­clared, that al such homage & fealtie, as the kings of Scotland in former times had done to the kings of England was onely for Tiuidale, Penreth, and such other Lands as they held within England, and not for the realme of Scotland, as hee would haue it. Lastly, whereas the kings of Scotland had some-times serued the kings of England in their warres both at home and abroade, and had bin sondry times present at their coronations, al this proceeded of their voluntary accord, and especi­al fauor towards them, by reason of their neere­nesse in bloud, and not (as he tooke it) of any duty binding them thereto. King Edward in his an­swere herevnto, proued by euident reasons, that the right of Superiority and command ouer the realme of Scotland, did iustlie belong vnto him, and that the allegations made to the contrarie were vaine and frivolous. Besides the kings let­ters, the Nobility also of the realme being now assēbled in Parliament at Lincolne, ioyned in the framing of an other letter, answering in the name of the three estates vnto that poynt of the Popes pretended right, to intermeddle in the cause, be­tweene the king their maister, and the Lords of Scotland, & that it was neuer before knowne, that the kings of England had answered, or of right ought to answere, for any thing they clamed, before any iudge ecclesiasticall or seculer, yea though the king would therevnto yeald yet wold [Page 129] they neuer giue their consentes vnto it seeing it would so much preiudice, his dignity royall and the ancient customes and priuileges of the realme. This letter, bare date the twelft of Febru­ary, in the yeare of grace 1301. and was signed vnder the hands and seales of these Noblemen whose names follow. viz.

Iohn Earle Warren, Thomas Earle of Lancaster, Ralfe de Monthermer Earle of Glocester & Herford, Humfrey de Bohum Earle of Hereford and Essex and Constable of England. Roger Bigod Earle of Nor­folke Marshall of England, Guie Earle of Warwick, Richard Earle of Arundel, Audomar de valence lord of Monterney, Henry de Lancaster Lord of Mon­mouth, Iohn de Hastings Lord of Bergeuenny, Henry de Percy Lord of Topeliffe, Edmond de Mortimer Lord of Wigmor, Robert fitzwater Lord of Wood­ham, Iohn de Saint Iohn Lord of Hannake, Hugh de veer Lord of Swanestampe, William de Brewse Lord of Gower. Robert de Mounthault Lord of Hewarden. Robert de Tateshal Lord of Wokeham, Reignald de Grey Lord of Ruthin, Henry de Gray Lord of Cod­nore. Hugh Bardalfe Lord of Wormegaie, Robert de Clifforde Chatellaine of Appleby, Peter de Malow Lord of Mulgreene. Philip Lord of Kine, Robert Fitz Roger Lord of Claueringes, Ioh. de Mohun Lo. of Dunester, Almerick de S. Amonde Lord of Wide­hay, Williā de Ferrers Lo. of Groby, Alaine de Zouche Lo. of Asby, Theobalde de Vernon Lo. of Webbeley, Tho. de Furniuall Lo. of Schefield, Tho. de Moulton [Page 130] Lo. of Egremont: William Latimer, Lo. of Corbie. Tho. Lord Berkeley: Foulke Fitzwarren Lo. of Mit­ingham: Iohn Lo. Seagraue, Edmond de Enicourt Lo. of Thurgerton: Peter Corbet Lord of Cans, William de Cantelow Lord of Rauensthorpe: Iohn de Beauchampe Lo. of Hacchie, Roger de Mortimere Lo. of Penkethlin: Iohn Fitz Reinald Lord of Blen­leuenie: Ralfe de Neuell Lord of Rabie, Brian Fitz-Alaine Lo. of Bedale. William Marshall Lord of Heugham: Walter Lo. Huntercombe, Williā Martin Lo. of Camies: Henrie de Thies Lord of Chilton; Ro­ger de Ware Lo. of Isefield: Iohn de Riuers. Lo. of Au­gre, Iohn de Lancaster Lo. of Grisedale, Robert Fitz-Paine Lo of Lumnier: Henry Tregoz Lord of Ga­rings: Robert Pipard Lo. of Lomford: Walter Lord Faucomberg: Roger le Strange Lord of Ellesmere, Iohn le Strange Lo. of Cuokin: Tho. de Chances, Lo. of Norton, Water de Beauchampe lor. of Alecester. Rich. Talbot lor. of Eccleswell: Iohn Butetourt lord of Mendesham: Iohn Eugain lor. of Colum; Hugh de Poynes lor. of Corneualet, Adam lord of Welles, Simond lord Montacute, Iohn lord Sulle: Iohn de Moells lord of Candeburie. Edmond Baron Staf­ford: Iohn Louell lord of Hackings: Edmond lor. of Elchimhonocks, Ralfe Fitz-William lo. of Grimthope: Robert de Scales lor. of Neusells, William Tuchet lo. of Lewenhales. Iohn Abadan lor. of Deuerstone: Iohn de Hatterings lor. of Graston. Robert Lewarde lor. of Whitehall: Nicholas de Seagraue lo. of Stowe. Walter de Tey lor. of Stonegraue. Iohn de Lisle lor. of Wodtō, [Page 131] Eustace Lord Hacchie, Gilbert de Peche Lord of Cor­by, William Painell Lord Trachington, Roger de Albo Monasterio, Foulke le Strange Lord of Corsham. Hen­rie de Pinckney Lord of Wedon: Iohn de Hodelestone Lord of Aneys: Iohn de Huntingfield Lord of Bra­dingham, Hugh Fitz-Henry Lord of Rauēswath: Iohn Daleton Lord of Sporle: Nicholas de Carry Lord of Mulessord: Thomas lord de la Roche: Walter de Mun­cie Lord of Thorntone: Iohn Fitz-Marmaduke lord of Horden, Iohn lord of Kingston: Robert Hastings the Father, lord of Chebessey: Raphe lord Grendon: William lord Leiborne: Iohn de Greslock lord of Mor­peith: Mathew fitz-Iohn lord of Stokenham. Nic: de Neuell lord of Wherlton, and Iohn Paniell lord of Ateley: foure score and foureteene Barons.

The truce expired, the King passed with his ar­mie into Scotland about Midsomer following, where he remained all that summer, and the next winter he kept his Christmasse at Lithcoe, where he lost many of his great horses, the season not seruing to make sufficient prouision for the keep­ing of them there. The Scots in the meane time ha­uing laboured the French king to that end, obtei­ned another truce till Hallontide next, whervpon the King returned into England. Neither ceased they still to perswade the Pope to vndertake the defence of their country: but hee vpon the re­ceipt of the former letters out of England, began to waxe colde in the matter, and the rather be­cause beeing now falne out with the French [Page 132] king, he hoped to procure king Edward to make war vpon him, offring to take his part in the qua­rel, but neither his holines nor hipocrisie preuai­led therein. When this latter truce was come to an end, the king sent the Lord Iohn Seagraue into Scotland, accompanied with Ralfe Comfrey and a competent power to keepe the country quiet, & to recouer the Castle of Sterling. The English Army entring into Lothian, seuered it selfe into three companies, foure miles distant one from the other, to the end they might be the more plē ­tifully serued of victualls. The enemie taking the aduantage of this manner of marching, so­denlie in the morning set vpon the foremost cō ­panie, lead by the Lord Seagraue, and made such slaughter, as fewe or none escaped with life. When knowledge was brought backe to theyr fellowes that followed them next in order, the Lord Neuell that had the leading thereof, with certaine horse-men came vpon the spurres, and rescued the Lord Seagraue, who otherwise had bin taken or slaine. Ralfe Comfrey after this mis­fortune, not holding it conuenient to attempt any further interprise at that time (beeing much ouermatched with number and strength) retur­ned with the residue into England: This ouer­throw was giuen the Englishmen at Rosting with­in fiue miles of Edenborugh the 24. day of Febru­ary in the yeare 1302.

King Edward was not a little moued with the [Page 133] losse of these men, and therefore hauing gathered a puissant armie, about Midsomer following hee made his last iourney into Scotland, purposing to bring the same wholy to his obedience. At his approach, the enemy being not able to make head against him, gaue way on euery side, flying to the Mountaines, and other places vnaccessible, so as the king in manner without any resistance passed thorow the land euen vnto Cathnesse, the furthest part of Scotland. Many of them perceiuing how farre vnable they were to with-stand his forces, submitted them-selues, on condition they might inioy againe their possessions, which the King had giuen to his followers the Lords of England, they redeeming the same of them at some reaso­nable rate: where-vnto the King consented. In his returne he caused the Castle of Sterling to be besiedged, but he himselfe lay at Dumfermling the greater part of the next Winter, whether the Queene his Wife (hauing remained a long time at Tinmouthe) came at length vnto him. The siege hauing continued three moneths, the Castell was surrendred, the liues of them that kept it onely reserued.

Before his departure, the King caused all the Scottish Nobilitie to repaire to Saint Andrewes Towne, where they tooke a new oath of their allegiance vnto him. Such as hee held suspec­ted, hee carried with him into England, togea­ther with diuers monuments and antiquities: [Page 132] amongst which, the Marble Stone of Stone Ab­bay, wherein the Kings of that realme accusto­med to sitte at the time of their Coronation, was of speciall account. It remaineth at this day at Westminster, not farre from the place where hee lyeth intombed. This Stone hath such a fatall destinie following it (as the Scottes then beleeued) as that where-so-euer it should bee found, ouer that Countrey should a Scotish man raigne, in how short time this may come to passe no man knoweth. The King at his departure committing the gouernment of Scotland, to the Lord Iohn Sea-graue, returned into England, ho­ping that now hee had made an end of his warres there, and brought the whole realme into a peaceable estate vnder his obedience: but it did not so fall out. For about this time dyed Robert Bruse Earle of Carrike, who stood for the crowne of Scotland, against Balliol the last King. Where­vpon Robert Bruse his sonne began to cast about, by what meanes hee might now attaine the fame. But whether hee were set on worke by the Lord Cumin, to the end hee might bee so much the neerer vnto it himselfe, (for hee was descended from Mary the other Daughter of Allaine Lord of Gallowaye, and so after the extir­pation of the two families of the Balliols and the Bruses, was next to the Crowne,) or whether it proceeded from himselfe (hauing so good title there-vnto) without acquainting the other [Page 133] with his meaning, he was no sooner entred into the plot, but was discouered by the Lord Cumin: which being made knowne vnto him, he thought himselfe in no safety in England, and therefore by secret flight passing into Scotland, hee set vp­on Cumin at vnawares (who otherwise had beene ouer-strong for him) and so dispatched him out of the way. Then hee caused himselfe forthwith to bee crowned King of Scotland, by the Countesse of Bougham, in the absence of her brother the Earle of Fife, then in England, at his Mannor of Whitwicke in Leicestershire, to whom that office by inheritance appertained. This Lady was afterwardes (for her punishment for this offence) put into a Cage of wood, which being placed on the walls of the Castell of Eden­borough, was for a while made a gazing stock to the passengers by it. Immediatly vpon the newes of the coronation of Bruse, the King sent an army into Scotland, vnder the conduct of the Earle of Pembrooke his Lieutenant there, the Lord Henry Percie, and the Lord Robert Clifford, here-with to resist the new attempts of the Scottes vnder their new King. Bruse (in the meane time) knowing a­gainst whom hee was to contend, sought by all meanes to make himselfe as strong as possibly he could: & therfore ranging the coasts vp & downe he assembled some fewe small forces, where-with [...]e approched the towne S. Iohns, purposing there first to make trial of his fortunes; but the Earle of [Page 136] Pembrooke by chance had first entred the towne with some 300. horse-men, besides foote-men. Bruse sent him word that he was come thither to fight with him and all his partakers, if hee would come forth. The Earle answered, hee would rest that day being the Sabaoth, but on the next mor­ning he would accept of his chalenge. Bruse here­vpon with-drew his armie a mile backe againe from the towne, meaning to be-take himselfe and his people that night to their rest, but he was dis­quieted sooner then he looked; for the Earle issu­ing out of the towne a little before night about the beginning of the Calends of August, assailed them so sodenly, as that he had slaine a great num­bee, before they could get armour and weapons for their defence, so as after a little resistance the Scots with their new king were put to flight. The Earle following the chase pursued them vnto Kenter, and vnderstanding that Bruse was entred a Castle ther-about, he besieged & presently tooke the same, wherin he found his wife & his brother Nigell with some others, but Bruse him-selfe was fled vnto the mountaines, these he sent presently to Berwicke. This Lady was the daughter of the Earle of Vlster in Ireland, who had lately before sent ouer vnto K. Edward two of his sonnes to re­maine in England for pledges of their fathers fide­lity, for whose sake she found great fauor. Shortly after, was the castle of Lachdore takē by th' English-men, & in it Christopher Seton, that had married the [Page 137] sister of Bruse; by birth hee was an English-man, and had before slaine a Knight of England in some bad manner, for the which fact especially he was by the kings cōmandement executed at Dunfries, where the same was committed: the like execu­tion was also made at Berwicke vpon Nigell Bruse, and the rest of his companions. But the Earle of Atholl (who was also taken about the same time) was remoued to London, where he was beheaded and his head set on a pole ouer London-bridge. Though Bruse in the meane season was put to many hard shifts, wandring in desert places like a forelorne man, not-with-standing hee would not giue ouer so good a cause, but after a little brea­thing, began a fresh to bestur him, so as, what by entreaty & threats, he gathered some few troops of horsmen about him; and whilest hee was thus occupied himselfe in one place, he sent two of his brothers (the one a Knight, the other a priest) in­to other parts of the country, to procure what aide they could. But as they were thus busied, they were both taken, condemned of treason, and for the same executed. These misfortunes stil fol­lowing, one in the necke of another, little or no­thing allaied the thirst of a kingdom, for he knew his cause was iust, and that howsoeuer his sinnes had deserued, especially the murther he commit­ted at the very entrance into this actiō, yet should he die (if it came to that) in a good quarel. Hauing therefore happily reconciled himselfe to God, [Page] whom [...] had therein greeuouslie offended, with [...] courage hee fully resolued to pursue his [...]. Beeing now some what better strengthned with the aide of the Ilanders, hee in­cou [...] the Earle of Pembrooke, and put him to [...] like hap shortly after hee had against the Earle of Glocester. These small hartnings, did incourage Bruse to attempt greater aduentures, so as within short time he recouered diuers Ca­stels, but being not able to man them, hee cast them downe to the ground. King Edward hauing knowledge of these his proceedings in Scotland, by his letters directed into certaine countries fit­test for that seruice, gaue commandement that as many as were able to vse a weapon, should with­in three weekes after Midsomer, attend him at Carliel. But before the appointed time was come, the king fell sicke there, from whence being re­moued to Brough on the sand, he departed out of this life in the 35. yeare of his raigne, An. 1307. 1307

By the death of King Edward, the state of the affaires betweene these two Nations was much altered, for his sonne and successour king Edward the second being now not about [...]ree and twen­tie yeares olde, was giuen (after the manner of youth) more to follow his pl [...]sures, then the cares and trauels of [...]. And therefore neglecting his businesse [...], gaue fitte op­portunitie to his [...] and little, [...] off the [...] which his [Page 139] father by his valiancie had brought them. So as while this youthfull King sought nothing more, then to spend his time in voluptuous pleasure & riotous excesse, making such his familiers, and chiefe minions about him, as best fitted his hu­mor: Bruse on the other side wholy indeuored by all possible meanes, how to restore his country to her former liberty and quiet estate, now wel nere brought to the brinke of an vnrecouerable downfal. And by his good fore-sight and singuler manhood, hee so much preuailed, as that in the space of three or foure yeares, he recouered his kingdom: for hauing bin much inured with hard­nesse & trauel, together with his long experience in managing the affaires of state, as well in time of peace as of war, he had no small aduantage there­by of the other. The father dying not aboue a weeke before his intended iorney once againe in­to Scotlād, the king his sonne finding all things in so good readines, was aduised to make triall with these forces that were then come to Carleil, what intertainment hee should finde at the Scotishmens hands: Being come to Dumfries, hee summoned the Scotish Nobility to repaire thither vnto him, where diuers of them acknowledged their allegi­ance & homage. But here he could not now tary, being hasted homewards to make preparation for his iorney into France, where shortly after he ma­ried the Lady Isabell, daughter to K. Philip surna­med the faire. At his departure he committed the wardenship of Scotland to Iohn de Britaine, whom [Page 140] withal he created Earle of Richmond. Amongst all the Scotish Lordes that tooke part with England none was so great an enemy to Bruse as the Lord Iohn Cumin Earle of Buquhan, for the murther committed vpon his Ancestor, as before you haue heard; now therefore to bee reuenged, as also to show his forwardnesse to performe some acceptable seruice for the King of England, hee gathered such forces (English and Scotish) as hee could make, and there-with approched his ene­mie. Bruse (beeing yet barely recouered of a late sicknesse) vpon a boun-courage incountred him at a straite, and in the end discomfited his armie, making great slaughter of his men. This victorie did so reuiue Bruse his feeble and languishing spi­rits, as that from thence forward hee still pre­uailed in all his interprises. So as following his good fortune, in short time he reduced the conn­tries of Anguile and Galloway, vnder his obedi­ence. King Edward not well brooking these dai­ly losses, raised a mightie powre, wherewith a­bout the middest of August in the beginning of the fift yeare of his raigne, hee intered into Scot­land, accompanied with the greater number of his Nobilitie, amongst whom Peter Gauestonne (whom he now created Earle of Cornewall) was in greatest fauour with him: on whom also hee bestowed the signorie of the Ile of Man, which within three yeares after, Bruse recouered from him: King Edward, raunging his people in bat­tell [Page 141] aray, passed thorough the country as farre as Reufren, and then returned againe with little or no resistance. For Bruse beeing not yet of suffici­ent power to incounter his huge Armie, kept himselfe out of his walke, knowing king Edward could not tary long there, because he had taken such order before, that nothing remained wher­with to relieue so great a number. He was no sooner turned home-ward, but the Scots were rea­dy to follow him at his heeles, so as entring into Lothian, they did great hurt to the inhabitants, and returned at their pleasure before they could be ouertaken by the Englishmen. King Edward comming to Berwicke stayed there all the next winter, and fortified the Towne with a strong wall and ditch, somewhat hee caused to be done likewise at Roxbrugh and Norham, which two Ca­stells he committed to the custodie of the Earles of Cornewall and Glocester, and so the next spring returned into England, and ceassing any further at this time to prosecute his affayres in Scotland, he turned all his malice and fury against his own subiects, amonst whome the Earles of Lancaster, Glocester and Warwicke being not able any longer to indure the outragious pride and insolencie of Gauestone, supported against them by the vnmea­surable and doting affection of the king towards him, sought meanes to haue him apprehended, and once againe banished; or, if they fayled ther­of, then to bee reuenged some other way. The [Page 142] king hauing knowledge of their intent conuei­ed him to the Castle of Scarbrugh, not so close­ly, but that it was made knowne to the Lordes his aduersaries, who pursuing him present­lie thither, they forced him to yeelde himselfe into their handes, and in conclusion (without further aduisement) Guye Earle of Warwick cau­sed his head to bee stroken off. The King (not without cause) tooke this their vnlawfull act in such scorne, as that euer after (though for the present he dissembled his displeasure) hee fought occasion how to bee reuenged. By rea­son of this priuie hart-burne betweene the king and his Nobles, the Scotish affayres were negle­cted on all parts, so as in the meane season Bruse had brought vnder his obedience the better part of that kingdome. Wherefore it was now high time to do somewhat, if the king made any rec­koning to hold that nation in such state as it was left by the late deceassed king his Father. Heere­vpon hee once againe assembled a puissant and gallant armie, such, as for multitude & gorgious aray, was neuer seene before in Scotland purpo­sing not onlie to make a full conquest thereof, but to leaue behind him such store of English people, as should be sufficient to inhabite those Countries, which thorough the long continu­ance of warre were left well neere desolate. Bruse vnderstanding of this great preparation forslaked no time to make what resistance hee [Page 143] could. And by how much hee was ouer weake in power, to resist his aduersarie, it behoo­ued him to bee so much the more circumspect by art and policie to get what aduantage hee could against him. Hauing therefore brought his armie, (which consisted of some thirty fiue thousand such men, as reposed theyr whole confidence for life, landes and else whatsoeuer onely in the force and courage of their handes and hearts) to the further banke of the Riuer Bannock, there hee stayed the comming of the Conqueror. This Riuer runneth into the Furth hauing very high and steepe bankes on both sides, and here and there certaine straite and nar­row passages ouer it, some-what also beneath the cliftes before his fall, it lieth flat, but the passage ouer there was hindered, thorough cer­taine suncken marrish grounds and quagmires, neuerthelesse at that time of the yeare passable enough in many places. In these plots he cau­sed deepe ditches to bee cast, and sharpe poin­ted stakes of wood to bee strucken downe in them, in such manner as hauing their toppes couered with light turues, they might easilie deceiue those that fore-cast no such perill.

And where the passage was more firme hee caused Caltroppes to bee scattered for the annoyance of the horsemen. When euery thing was thus disposed and framed to his best aduan­tage, the King of England approching with [Page 144] his royall Armie, set his people in battaile araye on this side the riuer ouer-against the Scots. The first day was spent with certaine light skirmishes betweene the horse-men, not much to the losse or gaine of either partie. Though the night at that time of the yeare, was there very short or none at all, being the xxiii. day of Iune: yet such was the earnest desire on eyther side, to ioyne in fight, as that vnto them both it seemed ouer-long. Bruse lead the middle battaile, hauing his brother on his right hand, and Randolph on the left. The English Armie was marshalled in the same manner, thoroughly interlined with good store of Archers. The men of Armes gaue the first onset, and rushing together vpon the hidden points of those stakes, that were set for that pur­pose, they were all ouer-throwne before they could come neere the Scots, who watching the expected aduantage, and falling vpon them rea­dily, made an exceeding bloudy slaughter of them. They that escaped, made so confused a re­traite, as the maine battaile of foot-men that fol­lowed them was not a little thereby disordered. The Scottes therewith ioyned with them hand to hand, and maintained the fight very valiantly, but the English Archers fot a time were very trou­blesome vnto them, vntill certaine light horse-men assailing them at their backes, ouer-threw a great number, and dispersed the rest. But yet the enemies force preuailed not so much, as did his [Page 145] ftaud, here againe, for the rascall sort, men, wo­men and boyes, that attended their cariages, mounting vpon their Cart-iades, and other Draught-cattle, with their sherts aboue their other garments, and banners and flagges made of their sheetes and aprons, and such like stuffe, fastned to the tops of long poles, shewed them­selues a farre off, descending from the top of an high hill, as if it had beene a new Armie hasting to the ayde of their fellowes. This sight stroke such a terror in those of the English Army that were neerest vnto it, as that forth-with they be­tooke them to their heeles. The rest supposing the danger greater then it was, and beeing ther­with much disordered, fled all for feare they knew not whereof, their Captaines not beeing able by any meanes to keepe them in Exceeding great slaughter was made of the common souldi­ers in the chase. King Edward with some fifteene Earles in his companie with much difficultie es­caped by flight, being receiued by the Earle of Marche into his Castle of Dunbar, from whence they were conueied by sea to Berwicke. Of the Nobilitie of England were slaine Gilbert Earle of Glocester, Robert Lord Clifford, the Lord Giles Ar­gentine (whose death Bruse much lamented, for the great loue that was betweene thē afore-time in England) the Lord Panie Tiptost, the Lord Wil­liam Marshall, the Lord Reginold Damiecourt, the Lord Edmond de Manley (the kings Steward) [Page 146] with other to the number of forty two. Of knights threescore and seuen. The Earle of He­reford, the Lord Iohn Seagraue and others to the number of two and twentie men of name were taken prisoners. Of the Scots were slaine about foure thousand, amongst whom Sir William Weapont, and Sir Walter Ros were the principall men of account. This was the most notable vi­ctorie, that euer the Scots had ouer the English­men, which came to passe, only by the misguiding and want of experience in their leaders and cap­taines, presuming ouer much of their aduantage in number & furniture of weapons: neither were they so circumspect, as it behoued them to be, in the discouery of aduātage or disaduantage, which the plot of ground where the battel was fought, might afford to the one side more then to the o­ther. For they might haue coniectured euen by Bruse his abiding in the field with so small a pow­er against so great a puissance (being of Englishmē more then two to one Scot) that he relied more vpon the successe of his hidden deceipts, then of his owne strength. This battell was fought on Midsummer day in the yeare 1314. 1314

Here-upon Striueling Castle was rendred vp, Bruse his wife was vpon exchange sent home, hauing beene in England about eight yeares. Af­ter Bruse had thus fortunatlie recouered his kingdome, he was by generall consent of his sub­iects confirmed and established in the same. The [Page 147] Crowne was intailed vpon the heyres Males of his bodie lawfully begotten, and for want of such issue to remaine to his brother Edward Bruse and the Heyres Males of his bodie, and for default thereof, the same should descend vpon the Ladie Margery the Kings eldest daughter, whome onelie hee begat on his first wife sister to the Earle of Mar. Which Lady by the ad­uice of his Noblemen, was bestowed in marriage on Walter high Steward of Scotland, on whose posteritie the Crowne shortlie after descended, and in the same familie continueth till this day, taking that surname of the office which theyr Ancestors bare, and was first bestowed on Wal­ter the sonne of Fleance, by King Malcolme Cammore, for his notable seruice against the Re­belles of Galloway. What thorough the losse of so many mens liues, and the domage which our Nation susteyned at this last battell, and the great dearth and death of man and beast, that thorough the vnseasonable state of those times continued, for the space of three yeares after small resistance or none at all was made against the Scots, who taking the benefit of this ad­uantage, ceassed not exceedinglie to annoye and trouble the Realme by their continuall incursions.

Hereof Pope Iohn the 22. taking compassi­on, at the Kings sute sent ouer two Cardinalles, Gancellino his Chancellor, and Lucas de Frisco, [Page 148] to mediate a peace betweene the two Nations.

But king Robert held it yet out of season, to hearken thereunto, hauing (as he tooke it) not sufficiently beene satisfied for his former losses and displeasures. Whereupon these iollie Chap­laines proceeded against him with all extremitie denouncing him and all his fautors accursed, and putting his kingdome (whereof they accounted him but a vsurper) vnder interdiction. But all these bumbaced skarre-crowes nothing abated king Roberts corage, who still following his good hap, while the time best serued for it, held on his former course so eagerlie, as that in short time hee recouered the Castles and townes of Harbot­tle, Warke, Medford, and Berwicke, which last (it is said) was betrayed by Peter Spalding the Go­uernor, hauing remained English one and twen­ty yeares together. Neither would king Robert limit his kingdome by the ancient boundes but inlarged the same euen vnto New-castle vpon Tine. At this time also the Scots obtained diuers victories in Ireland, thorough the manhood of Edward Bruse their kings brother, who neuerthe­lesse in the end was slaine in battell, and aboue fiue thousand Scots with him. His head was brought ouer and presented to king Edward by Iohn Birmingha [...] for the which good seruice now and at [...] other times in Ireland, the king gaue him the Earledome of Lowth, to him & his heyres Males, and the Baronie of Athird to [Page 149] him and his heires generally of his body begot­ten. The realme of England now being somewhat recouered of the hard estate it stood in the last three yeares, King Edward was desirous to make triall, if happily he might rubbe out the blemish of the late blowe receiued of his enemies in Scot­land. Hauing therefore assembled his Armie at Yorke (who for the more patt were handy-crafts men and Artificers) passing from thence he layde siege to Berwicke. The Scottes in the meane time (vnder the conduct of Thomas Randolph) entring England on the other side, put all to fire, and sword, little resistance being made against them, for those countries lay well neere desolate since their inuasion the yeare before. The Archbishop of Yorke could not indure the enimies approach so neere him (being now come within two or three dayes marche of the Citie) and therefore assembling such people, as for the present hee could get (men that were readiest at his com­mand) hee aduentured like a bold Champion to encounter the Scots, of whom ouer-late he learned this lesson, Ne sutor vltra crepidam. For the grea­ter number of these gallants (some two thou­sand) were knockt downe, before they saw their enimies, who by setting certaine Haystackes on fire, and taking the winde of them, were vpon them, ere they knew what it meant. The Arch­bishop, and the Bishop of Elye Lord Chancellor, with the Abbot of Selby escaped by flight, but [Page 150] Nicholas Fleming the Maire of Yorke (that stucke better to it) was slaine. This hapned on the 12 of October 1319. 1319 at a place called Mitton vpon Swaile. And because this armie consisted most of Surplisse men, it was in derision called the white battaile, but most of them found it a black daie. King Edward feareing least the Scotts intended some further mischiefe, brake vp his siege and returned to Yorke, where vnderstanding that the enemy was with-drawne home-ward he likewise tooke his way towards London. The next yeare passed ouer without any stirring on either side, the rather because the two Kings were disquie­ted at home by their owne subiects. In the meane time, at the procurement of King Edward, the Pope sent hyther his leaden bulles (which aduantaged him their weight in gold for hee is the best alchimist in Europe) to the Archbi­shops of Canterburie and Yorke commanding them, that vnlesse the Scottish king would fourth-with make satisfaction for the wronges done to the realme, as well concerning the state ecclesiasticall as temporall, they should pro­ceede to the denouncing of sentence against him and all his adherentes. But the Scottes made no reckning of the holie Fathers threates, where­vpon the Bishoppes published his terrible exe­crations against them, so as King Robert, Iames Dowglasse and Thomas Randolfe with all their par­takers were at euerie masse thorough out Eng­land [Page 151] solemlie accursed three times. Neuerthe­lesse the next yeare the Scottes inuaded the land againe a fresh, so that all this cost and coniura­tion little or nothing auailed. One companie vnder the conduct of the Earle of Murry assailed the Bishopricke of Durham. An other was leade by Iames Dowglasse, and the Lord Steward of Scot­land, who also deuiding themselues, the one companie wasted the Country towardes Har­tlepoole and Cleueland, the other intended as much to Richmonde, where the townes-men to redeeme their peace departed with a good round some of mony payed vnto them, as they had done also latelie before. While the Scottes tooke their pleasure in this manner in the North partes for the space of fiueteene daies, the gentlemen there about repayred to Pomfret to the Earle of Lancaster, offring to ioyne with him against the enemie, but the Earle was not dis­posed to aduenture his life in the quarell of him, who (as he tooke it) had done him much wrong. But howe true soeuer that was, most certaine it is, that he both wronged himselfe and highlie of­fended his Soueraigne, in taking armes against him shortly after, which cost him no lesse price, then the losse of his life, as it bee fell to di­uerse others his partakers at the battaile at Borowgh-bridge the sixteene daie of March 1321. 1321 This Earle was the greatest in title [Page 152] and possessions that euer yet was in England, for hee was together inuested with the Earldomes of Lancaster, Lincolne, Leicester, Derbie and Salis­burie. So as if hee had continued faithfull to his Prince, hee might haue beene a great ayde vnto him and the realme, but contrarywise (as it hath beene often since seene in this land) his greatnesse made him an enemie both to King and country, as appeared by diuerse letters out of Scotland, intercepted in their carriage hither to the Lords of his confederacie, which were openly read and published afterwards in Lon­don, During these troubles, the Scots and French-men ceased not to molest the realme on both sides: for King Robert about Midsomer follow­ing, entred by the West Marches as farre as Ken­dall, and from thence thorow Lancashire to Pre­stone in Andernesse, burning and wasting all that stood in their way foure-score miles within the land, and hauing taken their pleasure for the space of three weekes, returned home without battaile. The King of England being thus mo­lested by their continuall incursions (hauing also sent his Brother Edmond Earle of Kent, ouer into G [...]yenne for the defence thereof against the French-men) passed yet once againe into Scotland. King Robert vnderstanding what great preparation was made and in readinesse for to come against him, thought it not fitte to haz­ard his estate, being now brought to the height [Page 153] of his desires, vpon the tickle successe of a bat­taile or two, and therefore hee caused all the Cattle and Sheepe in the countrie, to bee driuen vp to the Mountaines, and what-so-euer else might serue the Englishmen to any good vse, was either bestowed in some place of strength, or else made vnfitte for any purpose. Hee with his horse-men with-drew them-selues further into the land, then that it should stand with the safetie of his enimies to approach them. Here­by it came to passe, that when King Edward was come to Edenborough, hee was forced for want of victuals and other necessaries, which bred many diseases amongst his people, within fif­teene dayes after his entrie into Scotland, to re­turne home-wardes, hauing onely by assault ta­ken Norham Castell. King Robert vnderstanding how much the English Armie was weakned by the great mortalitie of the common souldiours, ouer-passed not so fitte an opportunitie, but with all speed pursued the Englishmen, wasting and spoiling the land, euen as farre as Yorke, and hauing gotten knowledge that king Edward was then at the Abbey of Beighland, hee so couertly conducted his Armie thither, as that setting on his enimies at vnawares, he put them all to flight, the king himselfe hardly escaping their hands. In this conflict (for some small resistance was made, such as their short warning would afford) The Lord Iohn Britaine Earle of Richmonde was [Page] taken prisoner, besides diuers other of the infe­riour sort. The kings treasure and furniture with all the prouision and preparation pertay­ning to the host was either spoyled or caried a­way. This hapned about the twelft of October anno. 1322. 1322 After this defeature the Scottes pas­sed further into the land, comming to Beuerley, the towns-men gaue them a summe of money wherewith they bought their peace; hauing now remained in England a month & foure daies they returned from thence home-wards. King Edward now despairing of any better successe in time to come, and withall foreseeing what trouble was likely to arise within his owne realme, (as after­wards came to passe) sought meanes to obtayne peace with Scotland, which in the end was yeelded vnto, and the same to endure for thirteene years, & about the tenth of Iuly in the yeare following it was proclamed in the chiefe citties & townes of both Nations. The Scottes were also now con­tent to be reconciled to the Pope, hauing first re­couered & obtayned in England whatsoeuer they well-nere desired. At the same time the league was renewed with Charles the French King, late­ly then come to his Crowne, with an addition to the former articles, viz: that if at any time after, controuersie should arise about the succession and right to the Crowne of Scotland, the same should be heard and determined by the Nobility and peeres of those two Nations onely. King [Page 155] Edward hauing obtained peace with Scotland, the French King beganne to quarell with him for default of his personall apearance, being sum­moned therevnto to acknowledge his homage for the duchie of Aquitaine, and the country of Poytou, vpon which occasion the Queene his wife and the Prince of Walles were sent into France to treate with the king her brother of an agreement betweene him & her husband, which she effected. Neuerthelesse whether she was stai­ed their against her will vpon some complaint made of her husband, or that she could not hap­pily indure the two Spencers, who were then in greatest estimation with him; it seemed she had no great desire to returne into England, which being perceiued, or rather plotted by diuers of the Nobility and others fauoring her part more then the kings, they daylie passed ouer vnto her, by whom beeing brought into England, the grea­ter number forsooke the King, and ioyned them­selues with the Queene and her Sonne, into whose handes he was thereby forced in the ende to resigne his Crowne and Scepter, and shortlie after to yeeld his bodie to the violence of his cruell tormentors, who beereaued him of life, as the others did of lybertie, hauing raigned neere twentie yeares. Such was the ende of this vnfortunate King, by whose misgouernment the Realme was greatlie impouerished and weakned, hauing beene the destruction of so [Page] many noble personages and others of good ac­count. For besides those that were slaine in the warres will [...] with neere thirtie Noble­men and Knights at one time or other were by order of law beheaded and executed. This king Edward being thus vnnaturally deposed, his Son of the same name, about the age of fourteene yeares began his raigne in Ianuarie in the yeare 1326. 1326 The night following, the Scots purposing to haue giuen the yong King a cooling card now in the beginning of his iolity, attempted by trea­son to haue taken the Castle of Norham. But Ro­bert Mannors the Captaine thereof, beeing made aforehand acquainted with the practise by [...] one of his owne souldiers, so handled the matter, that when some 16. of them had moun­ted the walles, he sodainely fell vpon them, slew nine or ten and tooke the rest prisoners.

The Scots deemed this v [...]fortunate beginning a presagement of the like successe thorough his whole raigne, which came to passe accordinglie. For he was the greatest scourge to that nation of any king of England either before or after him, as in the processe of the historie shall appeare. Not­withstanding this hard beginning, king Robert thought it not good to let this land cōtinue qui­et, but rather while the king was yong, vnfit to manage the affaires of war in his own person, to get what aduantage he could thereby, & so to be still afore-hand. And if that [...]ourse should happē [Page 157] not to fall out according to his expectation, hee hoped by the helpe of his faithful ally the French king, so to work with the kings mother (who go­uerned and disposed of al things at her pleasure, during his minority) that at any time hee might obtaine peace with England at his owne liking. About the beginning therfore of Iuly following king Robert committed his armie (being now not wel able, thorough the infirmities of age to vn­dertake that charge himselfe) to three Captaines of especiall trust & approued valiancy, namelie Thomas Randolfe Earle of Murrey, Iames Lord Dowglasse, & the Earle of Mar his brother in law, consisting of aboue twenty thousand horsemen well furnished at all points. King Edward beeing aduertised hereof, prepared to make resistance, & hauing assembled his forces at Yorke, hee stayed there the longer by reason of a treaty of peace, solicited by the Scotish Ambassadors, but when the king perceiued hee lost time there to no purpose, departing thence hee approched his enemies, that were lodged in the Woodes in Stanop Parke, so as it was thought hee had them at a great aduantage.

But thorough the Treacherie (as it was said) of the Lord Roger Mortimer, after they had been pend vp and well neere famished, they did not onely finde a way out, but some two hundred of them vnder the leading of the Lord Dow­glasse in the night season, desperatelie assayled [Page] that part of the English campe, where the king him selfe was [...]udged, missing not much of ei­ther taking or slaying of him, but fearing least they should haue beene inclosed, beeing now in the myddest of their enemies, they made the more hast to be gonne, hauing done as much harme as the time would suffer them. For (as it was sayd) they slewe two or three hundred of the common souldiours. The Earle of Lancaster and the Lord Iohn Beumont of Heynault (who with twelue hundred men of his country serued the King in this iorney) would willingly haue pursued the Scottes ouer the water of Wier, but that thorough the froward­nesse of Mortimer, pretending a right to the leading of the fore-ward, and giuing the first onset, (though happilie hee had no such mea­ning) they could not bee suffered to proceede. Wheresoeuer the fault was, nothing was fur­ther attempted at this time, wherewith the King was much displeased. The Scottes bee­ing glad they had escaped that daunger, made as much hast home as they could. The next winter they besiedged the Castells of Norham and Anwicke, but to their losse, for at the assault of Anwicke diuerse of them were slaine, amongst whome William de Mounthault, Iohn Clappam and Malicius de Dumbarre were of best ac­count.

The next Sommer aboue Pentecoste, King Ed­ward [Page 159] at a Parliament held at Northampton, tho­rough the working of Mortimer & the Queene, agreed to a dishonorable peace with the Scottes, whereby the King of Scotland receiued into his handes all those ancient writings, whereby his predecessors the kings of Scotland, and the No­bility had aforetime, vnder their hands & seales, acknowledged homage and fealty to the Kings of England; amongst the rest one of principall ac­count called Ragman, togither with a blacke Cro­sier or Roode, besides diuerse other iewells som­time belonging to the kings of Scotland, & caried from thence into England. Further King Edward hereat resigned al his right & title to the crowne of Scotland, and that no Englishmen should from thence-forth hold and inioye any landes or pos­sessions their, except such as would remaine their altogither, and become subiectes to the Kings of Scotland. Finallie it was agreed, that Northumberland should thence-forth bee reputed the Marches of Scotland, on the East-side, and Cumberland on the West-side. In consideration of the premises, as also for the great damage done to this Realme by the Scottes, during the raigne of the late King, King Robert couenanted to giue to the King of England thirtie thousand markes sterling. For the more assurance and full ratification of this fi­nall agreement of peace betweene the two nations, a marriage was then concluded, and [Page 160] afterward solemnized betweene the Lady Iane King Edwards Sister, and Prince Dauid of Scot­land. When King Robert had thus politikelie brought to passe a firme peace with England, euen to his owne liking and hearts desire, hee be­tooke himselfe to a priuate life, and by reason of his great age, he committed the gouernment of his kingdome (as before in some sort hee had done) to the Earle of Murrey, and the Lord Dow­glasse; and then hauing worne out one yeare more, hee dyed in the yeare of our saluation, 1329. 1329 leauing his kingdome to his sonne, a child about eight yeares old, by reason whereof both the one and the other, by generall consent was committed to the protection and direction of the Earle of Murrey. Here it is requisite, I should answer a notorious vntrueth, wherewith the Sco­tish writers doe most vniustly charge the King of England, viz: That he should s [...]d a Munke into Scotland, vnder the colour of ministring phisick, to poyson the Gouernor, and because he had not dispatched his businesse in so short time as hee promised, therefore King Edward caused him to be burned aliue. All this should bee done (they write) in the yeare 1331. 1331 two yeares after the death of King Robert, in which the gouernor also deceased, on the 20. day of Iuly. I would first know what should mooue the King of England to seeke the destruction of him, more then of any man else in that Realme? because (forsooth) [Page 161] hee alone was the confounder of all the hope, which the king conceiued, to be sometimes able to atchieue any fortunate interprise against the Scots. As though all that nation could not afford his fellowe. That hee was the very Atlas and supporter of their happy estate. True it is, that the deceassed king had reason to commit more trust to him, then to anie other of whose loyalty and sufficiencie he had not the like tryall. But it followeth not thereof, that if king Edward could dispatch him out off the waie, there had beene none left to haue resisted his attempts against that nation.

But admit he was the man they make him, it is well knowne that King Edward (being then not much aboue eighteene yeares old) was not only ouer yong to contriue such a practise, but was then still directed by his Mother Queene Isabel, & so consequently by Mortimer Earle of March her chiefe Counsellor, both so great fauourers and maintainers of the peace with Scotland, as that hee lost his life shortlie after for the same. It is further affirmed, That this Monke stealing secretlie out off Scotland assured the King, that the Gouernor could not possiblie liue beyond a prefixed day, in which time, the poyson was to worke his effect, and that King Edward presu­ming thereof, gathered a mightie and puissant armie, wherewith comming to the borders, hee purposed to inuade Scotland, had he not knowne [Page 162] when he came thyther, that the gouernour was not only lyuing, but ready in armes to haue resis­ted his approach. Now of all this preparation and iourney, there is not one word to be found amongst all our Croniclers. But to the contrarie it appeareth, that (besidēs the cōfirmation of the former peace, vpon the admittance of this Earle to the Regency) the sommer next before his death, was so vnseasonable, as that it caused a great dearth in England all the yeare following: so as it was impossible to make prouision for such an army, neither could those more Nor­then partes afford it of their owne store. For (it is sayd) that in some places of the realme, espe­ciallie North-wards (by reason of the coldnesse of that climate) wheate was not gathered into the barne till hallontide, nor pease vntill the ende of Nouember. Moreouer King Edward w [...]s in France well neere all the month of A­prill next before the gouernours death, and after his returne thence hee had so little mea­ning to make preparation of warre, as that hee held solemne iustes and turney at Dert-forde, which exercises hee renewed againe at London in September following. How can all this agree with the surmised preparation of warre with Scotland, at that time? Now to the last poynt touching the burning of this Monke, (whereof some of them for the vnlike-lihood-haue not spoken) it is incredible, that a re­ligious [Page 163] man, a deuout Monke (as they were then accounted) should bee either murthered or executed, for not keeping promise, in the per­formance of an vnlawfull and vnchristian act. But where, when, on whome, or by whome was this vnusuall execution made? to no one of these interrogatories doth any man answere, saue that hee was a Monke or begging Frier. For they will not vouchsafe to giue him other name, though hee had beene a long time verie familier in the gouernors house. These bee therefore great slaunders, farre vnbeseeming the reputation of him, that not long sence hath made no conscience to report the most part of this fable for a truth.

This yeare Roger Mortimer Earle of March was attaynted of high treason, and executed for the same on Saint Andrewes eauen. Amongst other matters where-with hee was charged, hee was found giltie of secrete practise with the Scottes at Stanhope-parke whereby they es­caped as is aforesaid, and that hee receiued there of the Lord Iames Dowglas, a great summe of money for the good seruice done by him at that time, and to bee still continewed towardes that Nation whilest his authoritie should stand them insteede. Hereby also afterwardes hee brought to passe that vnaduised peace with the Scottes at Northampton, as is before de­clared.

About this time Edward Balliol, thorough the perswasion of Laurence Twine (a Scotish fugitiue) came ouer out off France, where hee had alwayes liued before, to intreat the King of England to assist him in the recouery of his right to the Crowne of Scotland, which was giuen by a ward vnto Iohn Balliol by king Edward the first, promi­sing withall, that if it were his good hap to at­taine it, he would acknowledge to hold the same in manner as his Grand-father held it of the others Grand-father.

But before this motion was made to the king of England: Balliol sought the fauour of the Lord Henry Beumont (a Frenchman borne) that had ma­ried the daughter and heyre of the Earle Buquhan and likewise of the Lord William Cumine, the lord Dauid of Strabouee Earle of Atholl, and the lord Geffrey de Mowbraie. These and some others that were banished the Realme of Scotland by the late King Robert le Bruse, & now liued in England, hauing in hope of preferment ioyned heartes & handes with Balliol in this quarell, obtained this fauour of king Edward, that as many of his sub­iects, as of themselues were willing to assist them in this enterprise should haue good leaue to fol­low them therein. For though the young king of Scots had beene affianced vnto king Edwards sister, who in respect of that alliance should not haue beene easilie drawne into this action: ne­uerthelesse he held himselfe so m [...]ch disgraced [Page 165] and absued in his minority by the deceitful prac­tise of Mortimer, that nothing now pleased him, that (together with that mariage) was then yeelded vnto, at that dishonorable composition made with the Scottish king at Northampton as be­fore you haue heard. Neither was that con­tract of marriage so firme, but if either partie misliked thereof when they should come to law­full age of consent, the same might safely bee dis­solued. Edward Balliol hauing now assembled (by the helpe of the other two Scottish Lordes his confederates) some foure hundred horse, and about two thousand Archers and other foote­men, tooke shipping at Rauen-spurne in Holder­nesse, from thence directing his course North-ward hee entred into the Scottish fourth, and ar­riued neere to the towne Kingorne on the first daie of August, where being incountred by Al­exander Seaton hee slew him in the field, toge­ther with the greater number of his people, and put the residewe to flight. This good bee­ginning put such corage into these venterous companions in armes (fighting for no lesse then a kingdome) that with in some fewe daies af­ter (their forces beeing now increased to the number of about ten thousand one and other) they attempted to assaile the Earle of Muerry (then Regent of Scotland) by night, where hee laie incamped in the middest of his armie, the same beeing ouer great otherwise to bee delt [Page 166] withall, and tooke him on such a sodaine that they put him to flight, making great slaughter vpon his people. The next day the fight was renewed on both sides, but in the ende the vic­tory fell to Balliol. This battaile was fought at Dueplin on the thirteenth day of the same mōth, wherein was slaine (nowe and the night before) besides the Regent himselfe, Robert Bruse Earle of Carricke, William Haie Constable, and Robert Keithe Marshall of Scotland with diuerse other Lords and Leardes of good account: in the whole to the number of aboue fiue thou­sand.

Hereupon (diuerse of the Scottish Nobility sub­mytting themselues to Balliol) hee was forth­with proclamed, and on the 25. day of this present month of August, crowned King of Scotland, in the yeare of our Lord GOD 1332. 1332 This his fortunate successe (hauing within lesse then a month attayned a Kingdome) great­lie daunted the aduerse partie, who presently thereupon conuaied the young king together with his wife, for their more safty into France, hoping that by the helpe of Philip the French king, (his fathers especiall friend while he liued) he should one day inioy his kingdome, which for the present was thus vsurped by his aduersarie. To which end his fauoreres in the meane time neuer ceased to oppose themselues against Balliol, in so much as in December following [Page 167] they droue him out of Scotland, forceing him to with-drawe himselfe into Westmerland, where hee was honorablie entertayned of the Lord Clifford: in requitall whereof hee promised, that when hee was once established in his King­dome, hee would giue him Dowglasse-daile, in as ample manner as his Ancestour had the same of the gift of King Edward the first, which af­terwardes hee performed accordinglie. Bal­liol hauing renewed his forces in England, a­bout the beginning of the next yeare, (though King Edward would not openlie shewe him­selfe a partie therein) layed siedge to the towne of Berwike, at which time the Brusian Scottes entred into Gelsland by the West Marches, wasting the Countrie where they passed along.

The King of England being aduertised therof-thought himselfe sufficiently discharged there, by of his promise passed aforetime to young Bruse (but hee might better haue pleaded his nonage at the making thereof) and therefore tooke it to bee nowe lawfull enough open­lie to aide his Cousin Balliol in the recouerie of his pretended title to the Crowne of Scot­land. It is not to bee doubted but King Edward would not in this case haue preferred Balliol before Bruse (who besides that hee had married his Sister, was also in bloud nearer vnto him then the other) had hee not hoped (as it came, [Page 168] to passe) to take vp the controuersie betweene them to his owne aduantage. Hauing therefore assembled a strong army, hee came therewith to the siedge of Berwicke, together with his brother Iohn of Eltham Earle of Cornewall and gaue as­sault to the same both by Land and sea. The towne after it had beene besiedged about three monthes, was not able longer to hold out, which beeing well knowne to Archibald Dowglasse (the new elected gouernour and head of the Brusian faction) hee approched the assailants with all the power hee could make, (resoluing with him­selfe (against the aduice of the better experien­ced) to try it out by dint of sword with out any more stay. Being come within the view both of his friends and foes, he imbattayled his army in three companies on a hill directly ouer a­gainst the English host, which had the like aduan­tage of ground also. After some pause the ar­mies on both sides descended one towards the other.

At the first incounter the Englishmen of pur­pose giuing ground, the Scottes pursued them so egarlie, as that by recouering their former aduantage they did beate them downe-right be­fore them, so that what in fight and slight the slaughter was very great. For besides their ge­nerall, three valiant Gentlemen the Sonnes of Walter Steward (Vncles to him that succeeded the Brusian linage in Scotland) the Earles [Page 169] of Rosse, Southerland, and Carrike, Andrewe, Iames, and Simon Frasier, all well neere of the better sort, to the number of aboue foure hundred, were slaine in the battaile, but of the common souldiers not so fewe as fourteene thousand. This bloudie battaile was fought at Halidon hill besides Berwike on Mary Magdalines day in the yeare of our Lord 1333. 1333 Immediatly vpon this ouerthrowe, Alexander Seaton and Patrike Dum­bar despayring of any succour, yeelded vp the towne and Castle to king Edward, life and goods only reserued, and binding themselues by oth thence-forth to become his true subiects. Patrike Dūbar was further inioyned to re-edifie the Cas­tell of Dumbar at his owne charge, hauing late­lie before throwne it downe, because hee was vnable to defend it against the Englishmen rea­die to assault the same. VVhat credit is here to be giuen to Hector Boetius, charging King Edward to haue vniustlie executed two Sonnes of Sir Alexander Seatons, the one a pleadge, the other a prisonner, because hee would not yeelde vp the towne at the approach of the gouernour? I leaue it to the consideration of the indiffe­rent reader. For mine owne part I cannot but hold him much suspected, his report alone car­rying so little showe of truth, for as it seemeth by the Scottish Cronicle, Patrike Dumbar had as great a commaunde in Berwike as the other, whose consent alone could not haue effected [Page 170] King Edwards desire, so as hee might haue laied the fault vpon his companion and fellowe Co­missioner in the gouernment of the towne, and thereby haue iustly excused himselfe, neither surely would hee haue brooked so great an iniu­rie at the kings hands, much lesse euer haue ac­knowledged, and continewed his sworne allegi­ance vnto him, if hee had had the least sparke of that spirit, wherewith Buchanan feyneth his wife to be possessed vpon that occasion. The King of England after this his first and fortunate battaile in Scotland, leauing sufficient forces behinde him with the Lord Richard Tailbote, wherwith to aide Balliol in the pursute of this warre, returned home-wards. Balliol being thus strengthned, pas­sed at his pleasure thorough Scotland, placing Englishmen and others his partakers, in garrison in the greater number of the Castells & fortres­ses of that Realme, and in a Parliament called at Perthe in September following, hee was further confirmed King of Scotland: diuerse of the Scottish Nobility there assembled binding themselues by othes to continew his loyall and faithfull sub­iects. Hereat hee repealed all such actes and graunts, which Robert Bruse late King of Scotland had ratified, for the disposing of the Lands, and possessions of sundry Scottish Lords at his plea­sure, which were now restored to their former possessors, acknowledging their allegiance and homages vnto him for the same.

After the purification of the Virgine Mary King Edward repayred to Yorke, where Balliol by appoyntment should haue met him to haue don homage and fealty vnto him, but because he fea­red to be surprised in his passage by his aduersa­ries, hee sent his excuse by the Lord Henry Beu­mont, and the Lord William de Montaigne. The king therefore passing further Northwards, held his VVhitsontide at Newcastell vpon Tine with great royaltie, whether the Scottish king repay­red, and there did homage vnto king Edward for the Realme of Scotland, and also sweare fealtie vnto him, as to the superior Lord ouer the same, acknowleding to hold that Realme of him, his heires and successors for euer. At this meeting Balliol freelie gaue to king Edward the Castells and townes of Berwike, Roxbrugh, Peplies, Dunfries, Hadingtone and Gedworthe, with the forestes of Silkerke and Etherike, so as all the premises should bee thence-forth cleere­lie seperated from the Crowne of Scotland, and annexed to the Crowne of England: all this was then firmely ratified and assured by oth, writing, and witnesse in the yeare. 1334. 1334 King Edward be­ing departed homewards, Balliol was still set on worke by them of the Brusian faction, in whose hands still remayned sundry strong Castells and fortifications, as Dunbritanie, Lochleuin, Keldromie, Vrquhart, and the stronge pile of Lowdone, so that as oportunitie serued, one or [Page 172] other still reuolted from his obedience: but at the approach of King Edward the next winter (who was alwaies ready to relieue him in his ex­tremities) the country was well appeased, and so committed to the keeping of Dauid Cumine Earle of Atholl, while Balliol in the meane time accom­panied the king into England. This Earle was so egerly pursued shortly after their departure by the aduerse party, that in the end hee was for­ced to reuolt from the English. VVherevpon new sturres begā againe to arise, especially thorough the prouocation of the Earle of Murrey and Ro­bert Steward, the principall men of the Brusian side. For the suppressing hereof king Edward made his third voyage into Scotland the Summer following, in the yeare 1335. 1335 His nauy at this time also (for in his former iorneys thither hee was euer as well prouided by sea as by land) con­sisted of some hundred and fifty saile, well reple­nished with men, munition, and victualls. By land he was accompanied with Balliol, and his brother the Earle of Cornewall, diuerse great Lords atten­ding vpon them. Being entred into Scotland they deuided themselues sometimes into two, some­times into three seuerall companies, in which manner they passed at their pleasure without re­sistance, aswell beyond the Scottish fourth, as on this side the same. In the meane time the Earle of Athol repaired to the king, submitting him­selfe againe to his obedience, by whose example [Page 173] diuers other did the like, but this Earle was shortly after slaine at the siedge of the Castell of Keldromie. At the approach of winter king Ed­ward with-drew himselfe to Newcastel, where hee kept the feast of the Natiuity of our Lord. Imme­diatly after the Epiphany hee prepared to haue passed againe into Scotland, especially to take re­uenge for the death of the Earle of Atholl, but in the meane time a truce was taken, by mediation of the French king and the Pope which indured till the twenty seauenth of March 1336. 1336 In the meane season a Parliament was appointed to be held at London, wherein a finall accord betweene the two nations should haue beene treated of, and the kingdome of Scotland established: Where the right which these two Scottish kings preten­ded, should haue appeared most forcible. VVhile this good course was intended and fully agreed vpon on all sides, the Lord Maurice de Murrey slewe Sir Geffery de Ros a Scottish knight, and Sheriffe of Aire and Leuarke, one of Balliol his partakers, because in time of warre hee had be­fore slaine his brother. By reason of this pre­sumptious part, and the frowardnesse of the Scottes on both sides, still seeking reuenge one of the other, this treatie tooke no effect. The next Sommer about VVhitsontide the king sent an army into Scotland vnder the conduct of Balliol and diuers English Lords, who finding the towne of Saint Iohns defaced by the enemies (not able [Page 174] of themselues to hold it, caused the same to be fortified at the charge of sixe of the next mona­steries vnto it. King Edward about this time was at a Parliament holden at Northamptone, where leauing his Lordes and the rest to treate of such matters, as were propounded amongst them, hee posted into the North partes: com­ing to Berwike, from thence with a slender at­tendance hee arriued at Saint Iohns towne, be­fore any man there had heard of his intention. Here hee found Balliol and the rest of his com­panie. From hence the King passed forwards with some part of his army, as farre as Elgen in Murrey-land, thence to Inuernesse, much fur­ther into Scotland then euer the King his grand­father had done before. In the meane time the Earle of Cornewall, with the power of Yorke­shire and Northumberland men, and the Lord Anthony Lucie with those of Westmerland & Com­berland, entred into Scotland, wasted and spoyled the VVest partes, as Carrick and others which o­bayed not Balliol. The Lord Dowglasse by coa­sting the Englishmen did his best to hinder their course. At length this armie hauing done what harme it could, was sent home, with great prey and bootie, but the Earle of Cornewall with his owne people came thorow to Saint Iohns towne where he found the king returned from beyond the Mountaines. Here some of the Scotish wri­ters charge the King to haue slaine this Earle his [Page 175] brother, for committing ouer great cruelty vpō the desolate Scottes in this his last iorney, especi­ally against the men of Religion: it may be that the King was touched with a Christian compas­sion ouer the pore afflicted cōmonalty, who cō ­monly smart most for the obstinacy of the migh­tier mē. But for any violence vsed by the king to­wards his brother, it is so far from any colour of truth, that euen the better sort of their own wri­ters haue suppressed that report, as a vaine and meere forgery. For it wel appeareth by our own writers that this Earle died there of a natural dis­ease, & his body was brought to England & inter­red at Westminster with all solemnity therto be­longing. The king wholy spent these 2. last years in establishing of Balliol in the kingdō of Scotland because he was desirous to make all sure on that side, whilest he followed his wars in France, wher­on now hee began to set al his thoughts. At his departure out of Scotland some-what before the natiuity of our Lord, Balliol withal his partakers bound themselues by an especial law, that when­soeuer, he, his heires and successors kings of Eng. should make war, either at home or abroad, they & their heires shold at their own charge, for one whole yeare furnish him with 3. hundred horse-men & one thousand foot-men wel apointed for seruice. Shortly after the kings returne home, war was proclaimed with France, and all things forth-with were in preparing for that iorneye. [Page 176] The next yeare the warre in Scotland proceeded with equall losse and disaduantage on both sides. towards the end of the same yeare, the king sent thyther an army of some twenty thousand men, vnder the leading of the new created Earles of Salisbury, Glocester, and Derbie, and of as many Bar­rones, Percy, Neuille, and Stafford. These besiedged the castell of Dumbar, but to their small aduan­tage and lesse credit. For hauing continewed the siedge about twenty weekes; vnder the co­lour of a truce, before it was distressed, they gaue it ouer, being more desirous to attend the king their maister into France, where there was more good to be done: Scotland then affording no­thing but hunger and blowes, beare them of as they could. About the middest of Iune in the yeare of our Lord 1338. 1338 the king of England to­gether with the Queene, the Prince of Walles, & a great number of the Nobility that did attend them, passed ouer into Flanders, and were ioyful­lie entertayned of the Duke of Brabant, and o­thers the Lords of the Empire his confederates, towards the attayning of the crowne of France, which he claimed as the next heire therevnto by Queene Isabel his mother, Daughter to Philip sur­named the faire. This quarrell happned well for Bruse, for (no doubte) if king Edward had a while longer pursued the conquest of Scotland hee had now easilie brought the same vnder his soue­raigntie. France would haue offred him such con­ditions [Page 177] of peace, by reason of his title therevn­to, as that if he had beene disposed, he might qui­etly haue enioyed the Realme of Scotland both from Bruse and Balliol, and withall greater pos­sessions with in the French dominions, then the kings of England after him should haue happely beene able to haue held long, as the experience of the times following plainly showed: in respect of which difficulty, I esteeme the realme of Scot­land a more conuenient and fit member of the Crowne of England, then the one halfe of France, how farre soeuer exceeding the other in wealth and magnificence. The French king now perceauing it was not king Edwards mea­ning, to accept of peace, vpon any reasonable conditions, and how much it stood him vpon to hinder his attemptes, thought it would bee no small aduantage vnto him, to keepe his ene­my occupied nearer home, and therefore as soone as the King was arriued in Flanders, hee sent fiue tall shippes into Scotland, furnished with men munition and armour, and conduc­ted by as many experienced Captaines ouer them. These stood that nation in great steede. For by such aide, as was at this time and shortly afterwards sent thyther out of France, in the behalfe of Bruse his party, they so much preuai­led, as that within the space of three yeares after (though not without some difficulty) they not onely chased Balliol, together with all the [Page 178] Englishmen out of Scotland, but also put King Bruse into peacable possession thereof againe, nine yeares after he had beene driuen out of his kingdome by Balliol and his partakers the Eng­lishmen. So as King Edward in the meane time, got not so much on the other side of the sea, as hee lost euen at his owne dores at home. King Dauid Bruse hauing thus beyond all hope reco­uered his kingdome, slacked no time (while o­portunity serued) to take reuenge on the Eng­lishmen for all the wrongs sustayned by them. To which end, within the first three yeares after his returne, hee made three iourneyes into the land, doing what harme he could to the coūtries bordering vpon Scotland, but all was of no great reckning. The French King in the meane sea­son hauing receiued many shrowd blowes of the Englishmen, and his strong towne of Callice beeing now besiedged, thought with himselfe, that there was no better way either happilie to remoue them, or at the least to lessen their num­ber: then by procureing the Scottish King (who rested wholie at his deuotion) with some migh­ty power to inuade England, whereof hee sent Ambassadours into Scotland who easiely obtai­ned that fauour of King Dauid. VVhen all things were prepared for so great an exploite, hee entred the Realme with the whole pow­er of Scotland, hoping assuredly now in the Kings absence to atchiue some notable victorie, as well [Page 179] to the inriching of himselfe as to the aduantage of his confederate the French King. At his first entry hee made manie knights, whereby to en­corage them the more to showe their valiancie, but amongst the rest for his former good ser­uice he created William Dowglas an Earle, whose Father was slaine at Halidone hill, as is afore­sayd. The number of Noble men and Gentle­men assembled at this time, by the confession of their owne writers, were verie neere two thousand; in the whole (as some write) three­score thousand. Within ten daies after their entrie they approached Durham, committing whatsoeuer stood in their way to the fury of fire and sword in most hostile manner. The Queene of England, being then returned home, to represse the insolency of the enemy, gathered togither such forces as the Realme could then redily afford, to the number of twelue hundred men of armes, three thousand Archers and some seauen thousand other, of whome a great part were Preestes and Prelates, but good talle tren­cher-men such as were not afraide of a crackt crowne though they had no haire to hide those hurtes withall. This army was ordered in this manner. The first battaile was lead by the Bi­shoppe of Durham, Gilbert de Vmfree ville earle of Anegos; Henry Lord Percy, and the Lord Scroope. The second by the Archbishoppe of Yorke and the Lord Ralphe Neuille. The third by the [Page 180] Bishop of Lincolne, Iohn Lord Moubraie, and the Lord Thomas de Rooksbie. The fourth and last was lead by Edward Balliol, (nowe of a king of Scotland, become gouernour of Berwike) the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Lord Ross. Besides this the Lord Deain-court, Robert de O­gle and some other attended vpon the Queenes person. On the the other side the first battaile of the Scottes was gouerned by Robert Steward the Sonne of Margery King Dauids Sister, that suc­ceeded him, and Patrike Dumbar Earle of March. The second by Iohn Earle of Murrey, and William Earle Dowglas. In the third the King himselfe and his Nobility were placed. Before the bat­taile, the Queene of England sent an Harald of armes to King Dauid, requiring him to stay from further anoying the Realme, till some rea­sonable order might be taken for the conclusion of a finall peace betweene the two nations: but hee made light reckning of her request. In the morning earlie before the fight, Dowglas issued fourth with certaine troopes of horse-men to discouer the behauiour of the Englishmen, and vpon good occasion offred to skirmish with them. But the Englishmen so behaued themselues as that the Earle hardly escaped by flight with the losse of fiue hundred of his company. The two armies being come within sight one of the other, Dauid Graham with a wing of fiue hundred horse, gaue a full charge vpon the skert of the [Page 181] English Archers, hoping thereby to haue distres­sed them. But he was so sharply repulsed, as that loosing many of his troopes, hee had much adoe to recouer the maine battaile againe. Not-with-standing these two foule foyles, they presumed so much vpon their aduantage in number, that forth-with they fiercely rushed vpon the English­men. The fight begun about nine of the clocke, and continued till noone, at what time God gaue the victory to the Englishmen. The Scotish writers attribute the losse of this battaile to the vnadui­sed retraite of the Earle of March, and Robert Steward; but where-so-euer the fault was, an ex­ceeding great number of them was slaine. Of Noblemen the Earle of Murrey, the Earle of Stratherne, the Constable, Marshall, Chamber­laine, and Chancellor of Scotland were the prin­cipall men. Together with King Dauid (who fighting most couragiouslie, was sore wounded before he would yeeld himselfe) were taken pri­soners, the Earles of Dowglas, Fife, Southerland, Wigton, and Menteith, This battaile was fought neere Durham, at a place called Neuils-crosse, on the xvii. day of October in the yeare 1346. 1346 The English armie following their good fortune, forthwith passed into Scotland, tooke the Castels of Roxbrough and Hermitage, and without resis­tance ouer-ran the countries of Anuandale, Gal­loway, Mers, Tiuidale, and Ethrike forrest, extend­ing their Marches at that time, to Cockburne, [Page] Pethe and [...] b [...]dge. King Dauid was short­lie, after [...] to Calice, and presented to the King of England, then lying at the siedge thereof who bestowed on Maister Copland (that tooke him prisoner with the losse of two of his teeth at a blowe that the King gaue him) fiue hundred pounds land by the yeare of inheri­tance, The yeare following Balliol with the Earle of Northumberland, made a roade together into Lowthian and Clidsdaile, carrying from thence in­to Galloway a great bootie, where Balliol remai­ned a long time after. By reason of this great slaughter now of the Scottes, as also thorow an out-ragious mortalitie, that followed the same by a generall infection of the Pestilence amongst them, they were not able of many yeares after to shew them-selues againe in the field. Neuer­thelesse they ceased not in the m [...]ane-time vp­on priuate quarrels, after their vnchristian man­ner, to prosecute one another euen vnto death: About this time King Iohn of France, vpon the death of Philip his Father, did inherite toge­ther with his Crowne, those troubles which then accompanied the same who, to the end hee might thereby keepe the King of England occupied at home, (for hee was his ouerthwart neighbour in France) sent certaine hands of French-men into Scotland, vnder the leading of an expert Captaine Sir Edgeny de G [...]rntiers, of whome the Scottish Nobilitie receiu [...] (as a [Page 183] present from the King their Maister) forty thou­sand Crownes of the Sunne, to bee imployde about the leuying and furnishing of some pre­peration against England. This Gentleman pre­uailed so much with his faire words and franke promises, as that amongst other fauours, hee ob­tained thus much at their hands: that they would come to no agreement with England without the allowance of his Maister. Imme­diatly here-vpon, while the Englishmen were busily employed in France about the conquest thereof, the Scottes together with the ayde of the French-men, made some light incursions with-in the English Marches, some-what to their aduantage.

The same yeare, viz. 1355. 1355 on the sixt of No­uember in the night, they priuilie approched the Towne of Berwicke, and being come to the walles, before they were discouered, they rai­sed vp Ladders in such silence, as that before day they entred and tooke the Towne, but not without the losse of diuerse principall men amongst them, namely, Thomas Vaus, Andrew [...]cotte, Iohn Gordon, William Sienelere, Thomas Preston, and Alexander Mowbraye, Knights. Of the English Armie were also slaine Alex­ander Ogle Captaine of the Towne, Thomas [...]rcie Brother to the Earle of Northumber­land, and Edward Graye. But the Castell was so well defended by those with in it, as that [Page] it did abide the [...] of [...]ing Edward to the succour th [...]bt at whose approach the Scottes knowing themselues vnable to withstand his pu­issance [...] the towne walles, set the houses on fire, and so b [...]ake vp the siege, which had conti­nued ten weekes, making as much hast home as they could. The King hauing taken order for the repaire of the towne; passed on with his armie to Roubrugh, whether Balliol repairing, resigned ouer vnto him, all his right, title, and interest vn­to the crowne of Scotland, for more assurance thereof, an instrument was drawne in writing, signed, sealed, and deliuered by him vnto king Edward, hearing date the fiue and twentith day of Ianuary. This businesse being dispatched, the King marcheth forward with his Armie till hee came to Halington, burning and spoiling the country as he passed while hee was thus busied by land, daily expecting the arriuall of his Nauy, such a cruell tempest arose out of the North, that manie of his ships perished there-with, and [...] were dispersed in such maner that they could not readily bee brought againe together. By this occasion the King could not for want of victualls and other necessaries proceed any further [...] this time in his intended iourney, who had purposed how to haue quieted that countrie for many yeares after. At his returne hee brought Balliol with him into England, thinking that [...] [...]uld haue beene better [Page 185] appeased thereby. Hee was no sooner departed out of Scotland, but immediatly some busie spi­rits began to raise vp new troubles, chasing out such as king Edward had left behind him in Gal­loway and Annandale. And yet more to despight him withall, the two Dowglasses, Earle William, and the Lord Archibald, carrying ouer with them some three thousand Scottes, ioyned with the French King against the Englishmen on that side the sea: but they had better haue tarryed at home, for at the battaile of Poytiers, the yeare following (wherein the French King was taken prisoner by the most valiant champion Edward Prince of Wales) Andrew Steward, Ro­bert Gordone, Andrewe Haliburton and Andrew Vaus Knights, with diuerse other their country­men were slaine: the Earle escaped, but his cousine Archibald was taken prisoner.

The yeare next following, viz. 1357. 1357 vpon the conclusion of peace betweene England and France, at the earnest entreatie of the Scottish Queene, King Edwards sister, her husband was set at libertie, and the kingdome of Scotland restored vnto him, which now rested at the dis­position of king Edward, hauing good oportu­nitie vpon this aduantage, to haue made him­selfe if hee had listed, absolute king ouer the whole Iland. But I cannot tell what hee would haue done if the Queene his Sister had dyed, [Page] during her husbands captiuity, as she did within [...] while after. King Dauid gaue for his ransome an hundred thousand markes sterling and daies were appointed for the payment therof. Also he couenanted to acomplish certaine Castells borde­ring vpon England, that might proue bad Neigh­bours vnto it, which was performed according­ly. Moreouer it seemeth by that which followed, that he had also promised King Edward to make him his heire to the Crowne of Scotland, beeing now without hope of any issue of his body. For about seauen years before his death, he propoun­ded such a questiō to his Nobility assembled for that purpose, but the king found them so vnwil­ling to harkē vnto it, that he prosecuted the mat­ter no further. But I am perswaded, if King Ed­ward had not cōceiued some such hope, he would not so lightly haue laied of his hands, now ha­uing the prey (as it were) in his pawes. Much kindnes passed betweene these two Kings, while they liued togither, for the space of twelue years after, the remainder of King Dauids daies. For such was the curtisie and friendly behauiour of Edward towa [...]ds the two captiue Kings of France and Scotland, while they remained togither in England, as that thereby hee won their loue and fauor foreuer after, as appeared by their repaire hither to visit the King and Queene, and to re­create and solace themselues in their company.

And thus it came to passe, that their captiui­tie here, turned more to their owne aduantage, and the peaciable enioying of their estats af [...]er the same, then if it had neuer hapned vnto them. King Dauid beeing dead without issue of his bodie, Robert Steward his Sisters Sonne by the Generall consent of all the estates was crowned King of Scotland, in the yeare of our Lord. 1370. 1370 Here ended the posterity of Malcolm Cam­more in the Masculine line, which had continewed two hundred threescore and eighteene yeares, and was transferred to an other ancient house of the Scottish Nation, which in the beginning of the raigne of this King Malcolm, tooke the surname Steward on them, vpon the office which their auncestour their bare, as before I haue touched, and this family hath euer since borne the Crowne of Scotland, euen vnto this day. The league, which was before made with his Vncle the deceased King, was now renewed for foure­teene yeares.

But immediatly vpon the Coronation of King Richard the second, Sonne to that valiant Prince surnamed Blacke; both the Father and grand-father beeing dead, in the yeare of our Lord 1377. 1377 King Robert was so earnestly labo­red by Ambassadours out of France, to make warre vpon England (thereby to purchase vnto King Charles their Maister the more quietnesse at home) that forth-with preparation was [Page] made to put his [...] in execution. And first vn­ [...] colour ascending reuenge on the English borderers, for the death of a seruant of George Earle of Dumbar [...], that by occasion of some drunken fraye the yeare before, was slaine at Rox­brugh faire: the said Earle, together with his bro­ [...]her the Earle of Murrey, gathering a powre, came secretly to the towne the next Fayre-day, slew all the Englishmen they found thereat, car­ried away their goods, and set the towne on fire: [...] his outragious demeanour of these Scotts, Henry Percie Earle of Northumberland, entred in­to Scotland with ten thousand men, and tooke sufficient reuenge on the Earle of Marche, and others the chiefe authors of the former fact. Amongst the rest, Sir Iohn Gordon tooke himselfe much iniured by this inuasion, who therefore making a road into England, got together a great bootie. In his returne home-ward, he was set vp­on by the Englishmen, but after a long fight, they were finally discomfited, and their Captaine Sir Iohn Lylborne, with his brother and diuers other were taken prison [...]s, and carried into Scotland. Sir Iohn Gordon was so incouraged here-with, as that shortly after, he together with Sir Alexan­der Ramsey, and fortie other chosen men, fittest to enterprise such a difficultie, a [...]out the latter end of Nouember, in the dea [...] [...]e of the night, being come to Berwicke [...]d [...]auing mounted the walles, slew the watchmen while they were [Page 189] sleeping, and thereby became Maisters of the Castell, Sir Robert Boyntone Constable thereof, and such as were with him being ouer-few vpon that disaduantage, to repulse the enemie, were all slaine in their owne defence. Not-with-standing they permitted his wife, children, and some fewe of their seruants to depart, on condition that within three weekes after, they should eyther send for their ransome three thousand Markes, or else yeeld their bodies againe. The next mor­ning the Scottes issuing out of the Castell, be­fore it was knowne what was hapned, brought with them into it a droue of Cattle which were pasturing there-about. The Earle of Northum­berland being aduertised hereof, hasted thither, with foure hundred men well appointed, by whome the Castell was againe recouered by force within two houres, nine dayes after the taking of the same. The Scottes were all slaine by the assailiants, either in the defence of the Castle or of their persons after they were entred, Alex­ander Ramsey onely excepted, whom they reser­ued, by his libertie to redeeme the ransome pro­mised before to the Scottes, for the wife and chil­drē of Captaine Boyntone. These things thus pas­sed in the yeare 1378. 1378 The pestilence so afflicted the North parts of England all the summer fol­lowing, as that a great part of those countries lay well neere desolate, not-with-standing the Scotts ceased not daily to make roades into the land, [Page] catching vp and carrying away what-so-euer [...] into their greedy clawes; so as the very heards of swine (where-with before they would neuer deale) were now accounted a good booty. Further the Earle Dowglasse with some twentie thousand Scots, entred into Penner on the Faire day, sacked the towne, and then set it on fire, but the people saued them-selues by running away. The Scots paide very deare for those commodi­ties. For there-with all they carried home with them an infection of the plague, whereof in the two years next following so great a number died (being spred well nere ouer the whole land) as the like was neuer before knowne in Scotland. In further reuenge of this out-rage committed at Penner, the Englishmen shortly after entred into Scotland ouer Sufway, putting all to the sword that made resistance, and hauing gotten a great booty together, in t [...]eir returne they lodged in a strait valley neere to the confines of England, which aduantage being espied by the Scots that pursued them, they suddenly in the night fell vp­on them, slew a great number, and put the rest to flight, and so recouered their goods againe while in the meane season the warre continued very hotely by land and sea, betweene England and France, Iohn Duke of Lancaster (the kings Vncle) laboured a peace with the Scots, which was con­cluded to indure three ye [...]es. The truce replied, Archibald Dowlasse, together with the Earles Dow­glasse [Page 191] and Dunbar, vnderstanding that the Castell of Lochemaben was vnprouided of men and vic­tuals, necessary for the defence thereof, so sharp­lie assailed the same, as that the Captaine thereof Sir William Featherstone, hauing in the meane [...]e receiued no ayde out of England, as hee ex­pected, vpon knowledge giuen to the wardens of the English Marches, in what state it stood, at the end of eight daies (according to compositi­on) he surrendred the Castle into their possessiō, which incontinently was cast downe flatt to the ground. Herevpon the Baron of Graystock, with a new supply of men and victuals, was appointed to releeue the Castle of Roxbrough, least it should be taken vnprouided as the former. But the Earle of March hauing gotten knowledge thereof, lay priuily in waite for the Englishmen, tooke the Ba­ron prisoner, and caried him with his charge to Dunbar. The Scots about this time tooke also the Castle of Warke, and set it on fire. King Richard being not a little discontented with this their fortunate proceedings, sent the Duke of Lanca­ster with a great powre into Scotlād, hauing now appeased his troubles at home, raised by the se­ditious rebels of Northfolke & other places, and also taken truce with France. But the army staid so long where they were incamped within 3. miles of Edenbrugh, that when they came thither, they found nothing but bare walls, wherat the cōmon soldiors not a little repined. The Scots had caried [Page] their goods to the woods & mountaines, & such places of security, while the Englishmen in the meane time were greeuouslie afflicted with ve­hement cold weather, and raine, that extraordi­narily chanced, at that season (being about the tenth of Aprill) and the more, because before their comming to Edenbrough they had incam­ped themselues for their better safetie, in a lowe marish ground, which killed aboue 500. of their horses for seruice, and bred diseases amongst the souldiours. Neither had the English Nauie any better successe at this time, for the Marriners thorough want of good gouernment, ouer-bold­ly aduenturing to goe on land, for the desire of pillage and spoile, were in the end encountred by the Scottes, and so hotely pursued, as that a great number of them were slaine, and the rest hardly escaped to their shippes. The English Armie was no sooner out of Scotland, but that the Earle Dowglasse by his industrie and cou­rage, presently recouered all the places of strength in Tiuidale, out of the possession of the Englishmen, which till then they had hold euer since the battaile besides Dutham. All this sum­mer season was spent with continuall roades, by the one nation and the other, to the small ad­uantage of either. In the meane time messen­gers were sent to aduertise the Scottes of an abstinence of warre for a season, betweene the three nations, France, England, and Scotland, which [Page 193] was obserued on all sides. The truce ended, the Scots tooke by force the castell of Burwicke. But the Earle of Northumberland (to whom the keepeing therof was committed, was thereby so much touched in credit, that presently gathering the power of those partes, he so egarly assailed the [...]ttes within it, as that they were constrained to come to composition with the Earle, and so for two thousand markes the Castell was sur­ [...]endred & they departed. The yeare next follow­ing viz. 1385. 1385 Monsieur de vian Earle of Valenti­nois admiral of the fleet, was sent by the French King into Scotland, with two hundred and fortie ships furnished with men, munition, & all things necessary pertayning to warre, the [...] were some two thousand footemen, an hundred launces, & two hundred crosbowes, and pay for them for sixe monthes. Amongst other presentes which the French king sent to the Noblemen of Scot­land, he bestowed on king Robert forty compleate a [...]moures to bee disposed at his pleasure.

The Scottes being thus strengthned, prepared forth-with to inuade England. The whole army consisted of fiftie thousand men, ouer whom the Earle of Fife Sonne to king Robert, was made Generall, beeing accompained with the Earles Dowglas and Marche, and diuerse other of the Scottish Nobility. At their first entrie they tooke the Castells of Warke; Fourd and Corn­ [...]ll; and ouer ran the Country, lieing betweene [Page] Berwike and [...] In the meane time king R [...]chard had sent before him the Duke of Lancas­ter with a conuenient power, to restraine them from doing further harme, who hearing of the approach of the Englishmen withdrow themselues homeward. The King in the meane time making all the hast, that possiblie hee could after the Duke, entred together into Scotland passing thorow the countries of Mers and Lothian they burned and spoyled all the townes, villages and buildings that stood in their way as well religi­ous as other.

At his comming to Edenbrugh finding the towne empty, hee soothe houses on fier, which together with the Church of Saint Gyles were consumed to ashes. But at the ernest request of the Duke of Lan [...]ster Holi-roode house was pre­serued for the great fauour the Duke had found there during the late commotion in England. King Richard hauing remayned about Edenbrugh fiue dayes, returned without proffer of bat­taile or any encounter to speake of. Monsieur de vian was very ernest with the Scottish Lords to haue aduentured a battaile, but being carried to the toppe of [...]o hill, f [...]om whence he might discouer the order and puissance of the English armie, he changed his mind.

Herevpon they resolued to inuade England on an other quarter, while the Englishmen [...]oke there pleasure in the [...]pa [...]tes passing [...]fore [Page 195] ouer the mountayns they entred into Cumber­ [...]d, assaulted the Citty of Carliel, but finding them-selues vnable to preuaile there they tur­ned home-wardes, feareing least they should haue beene encountred with the English armie, which had falne out accordingly, if the King would haue beene aduised by the Duke his vncle.

But the Earle of Oxford (who stood more in the Kings grace) had put such a ielosie into his head, of the Dukes meaning therein towards him, as that he was drawne from liking of that course, and soe tooke his way home-ward. The Scottes hauing on the other side donne what harme they could, returned likewise into Scot­land, but because the same was not answerable to the domage they receaued, King Robert was so much offended with the Frenchmen (at whose hands he exspected greater matters) as that he sent them home lighter laden then they came, by the wayght of all that was worth the takeing from them, in part of recompence for the los­ses sustayned in this iorney, which was vnder­ [...]aken at their earnest sute and entrety.

Thus they parted not in soe good tearmes as they were entertayned with all at there arriuall into Scotland. The Scottish wryters attibute the cause of these iarres and discon­tentments amongst them, to the lasciuious and imperious demeanour of the Frenchmen [Page] according to their vsuall manner, where-so-euer they serue out of their owne country, whereof the common people especially complayned, more then of any iniurie offered them by their professed enemies the Englishmen. The Scottes within two yeares after, vnderstanding what troubles were arising in England, thought it a fitt time wherein to bee reuenged for the damages lately sustained. Wherfore about the beginning of August, there assembled at Iedworth to the number of betweene thirtie and forty thousand. Heere they vnderstood by an English espyall whom they tooke, that the Earle of Northum­berland, intended to inuade Scotland on the one side as they did the like here on the other. Ther­fore hauing a sufficient number to make two ar­mies, they deuided th [...]selues. The two yonger brothers (the Scottish Kings sonnes,) with the one part, directed their course by the West mar­ches into Cumberland [...]ing as farre as Dur­ham▪ At length both these armies (hauing in the meane time done what harme they could) mette together about ten miles from New-castell, and passing thither they besiedged that towne. But the Earle of Northumberland (who then com­manded all those countries) hauing had know­ledge before of their purpose, had sent thither his two sonnes, the Lord N [...] (surnamed Hote­spurre for his egar manner of riding) and his brother Ralphe, two [...] [...]orward Gentlemen. [Page 197] These with the forces they carried with them, [...] those they found there so manfully defended the towne, as that the Scottes (being ten thousand choise men, taken out of the whole army to giue the assault) were beaten backe, not without losse of many of their men. Amongst other feats of [...]rmes done at this assault (for it deserued not the [...]ime of a seidge) it fell out, that as the English­men defended the barriers without the gate, the Dowglasse chaunced to be matched hand to hand with the Lord Henry, and by force pulled his staffe from him, where-vpon in his returne, hoisting it vp on high, hee cried out that hee would carrie the same for his glorie into Scot­land, with which conquest being (as it seemed) for the time satisfied, the next day the whole armie departed home-wardes as farre as Ot­terbourne about eight myles from New-castle. The two Percies the next morning with more courage then discretion (being as yet ouer few to incounter the enemie) issued out of the towne with such speed, as that they were vpon the Scottes before they were departed from their lodgings: neuerthelesse vpon some knowledge giuen them of the approach of the Englishmen, they were ready to receaue thē at all assaies. The fight continued very hote on both sides for the space of so much of the day, as remayned after their meeting, and for the most part of the night following by moone-shine. The Englishmē [Page 198] caused the Scottes to giue ground and withall won their standard. This being perceiued, Pa­trike Hepbourne, togither with his Sonne and such forces as were vnder his charge from out of the one side, and the doughtie Dowglas from another quarter with his men, so proudly assai­led the Englishmen, as beeing not able to make resistance they were forced in the end to yeelde, or saue themselues by flight.

This battaile was fought in the yeare 1388. 1388 The number of the Englishmen slaine (as Hec­tor Boetius reporteth) were fiue hundred, not without some slaughter also of the Scottes, a­mongst whome the Earle Dowglas was of prin­cipall account, hauing receiued manie mor­tall wounds. The two Percies were taken pri­soners in fight, with some other of good reckoning. But manie more were taken in their flight, for the Scottes pursued them so egarlie in the chase, as that two hundred of themselues aduenturing ouer farre, were taken prisoners by the Englishmen.

But Buchanan doth otherwise report this iorney, Viz. That after the Scottes had diuided themselues into two companies they met not againe, till after the battaile of Otterbourne, al­so that the Earle Dowglas, both at the same battaile, and also before at the assault of New-castell, had not in his armie aboue three thou­sand men of all sortes, whereas the two Percies [Page 199] brought with them to Otterbourne ten thou­sand choise men.

But herein he doth not onely disagree from the other Scottish writers, but also from him­selfe. For (saith he) when the two armies par­ted, it was agreed vpon amongst them, that neither of them should attempt to encoun­ter the Englishmen, vntill both the armies were met againe, each of them consisting (as some report) of fifteene thousand men a peece. And therfore it is most vnlikely that Dowglas contra­ry to his former appointment, & against al sence would aduenture to assault Newcastell with so few as hee speaketh of, or willinglie abide the comming of the Percies, against the liking of the greater number of his owne people (as hee reporteth). It is therefore more probable that when the two Scottish armies were met a­gaine, according to their appointment, the Earle Dowglas (to whose onelie direction the rest referred themselues) making choise of the most able men amongst them, sent the residewe home-wards, with such spoyle as they had gotten in this iorney, vnder the con­duct of the Earle of Fife and his brother, the ra­ther because the King their Father was nei­ther acquainted with this preparation into Eng­land (as beeing more inclined to peace then to warre) neither knewe hee that his Sonnes were amongst them. Amongst others that had [Page 200] the Englishmen in chase after this last conflict, it fell out that Iames Lindsey a Scot, hauing the aduantage of weapon and armour, tooke Ma­thew Redman (the Gouernour of Berwike) pri­soner, whoe was presentlie dismissed vppon his oath, that within twenty daies after hee would yeeld him selfe prisoner againe vnto him. Iames Lindsey immediatelie returned to­wardes his companie, which (as hee tooke it) he had soone after in sight. But when hee was come so neare, that it auayled not to retire, he found them to bee a band of Englishmen attend­ing the Bishoppe of Durham. For the Bishoppe beeing come to New-castle to ioyne with the Percies, according to a former appointment, vnderstanding that they were the same daie gone to seeke the enemie, made but small hast after them, supposing (by reason of their weake attendance) that they would attempt nothing before his comming to their succour the next morning, but in their passage that night towardes Otterburne, the Bishoppe vnderstood by those that had escaped by flight, that the Englishmen had alreadie fought with the Scottes, and were discomfeited, wherevp­on returning backe againe to the towne, hee incountred Lindesey thus alone. When Cap­taine Redman had espied his late acquaintance Iames Lindsey brought to New-castell as a cap­tiue, with all curtisie hee intertayned him, and [Page 201] vpon euen hands the one redeemed the others lybertie. In like manner vpon the returne of of the Scottes home-wards, the younger brother of the Percies (because by reason of his wounds hee was not able to take so great iorneyes) ob­tayned libertie to returne to Newcastell for his speedier recouerie promising; that when hee should bee better able to trauell, hee would at any time beeing called thereto, yeeld his bodie againe. Vpon the same condition (saith Bu­chanane) were sixe hundred more at that time set at lybertie to go whether they would. This custome hath beene still continewed amongst the borderers of either Nation, wherein if any man brake his faithfull promise, the party victo­rer at the next day of truce signifieth the others default, which is reputed so great a disgrace vn­to his Captaine, as that his owne alliaunce and friends will for the same cast him off for euer.

The next yeare, while the commissioners of the three Nations, England France & Scotland were busied about a treatie of a permanent peace: the Scottes were so well fleshed with their booty gotten the last iorney, as that they entred againe into Northumberland, burning and spoile­ing that Countrie on euerie side. Against th [...]se was the Lord Thomas Mowbraie Earle of Notingham sent with fiue hundred speares, but hee preuailed little or nothing against them.

The Scottish Nobility tasted such sweetnesse in these two last roades into England as that they were vnwilling, (though their king was not a­gainst it) to yeeld consent to any conclusion of peace, wishing nothing more then the conti­newance of warre betweene England and France because they fared the better by it, but the mat­ter was so ernestly labored by the Frenchmen, that with much adoe they accepted of peace, which was againe renewed after the death of king Robert of Scotland the yeare following, Viz. 1390. 1390 And continewed till king Ric [...]d was deposed, by his vnkinde cousine Henrie Planta­genet, Sonne to Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lanca­ster, in the yeare of our Lord 1399. 1399

But immediatlie after the coronation of king Henrie the fourth, while Sir Thomas Gray, Captaine of Warke Castell, was at the Parlia­ment, certaine Scottes assaulted and tooke it by force, but either dispayring to keepe it, or not dareing to auowe what they had done, (the truce still continewing) they leaft it defaced and ruinated.

Howsoeuer they excused this their rough beginning, it seemed by that which followed, that they had no great respect to the obser­uance of peace, which had hitherto continew­ed vnuiolated, for the tearme of ten yeares, but was shortlie after broken by them againe, vpon this occasion.

George of Dumbar Earle of the Marches of Scotland had betrothed his Daughter to the King his Maisters Sonne and heire, the Father not only consenting therevnto, but also recea­uing a good part of the marriage monie. This King was named Iohn, but because the for­mer two kings of England and France (so called) had such bad successe, hee tooke vpon him the name of Robert.

The Earle Dowglas taking indignation, that any other of that Nation, should bee herein preferred before him, and complayning that the consent of the States was to much neglec­ted, in not beeing made acquainted with a mat­ter of that importance, as appertayned there­vnto: offred a Daughter of his owne with a greater portion. Hereof king Robert accep­ted, and forth-with made vp the marriage. Dumbar complayning of this wronge, demaun­ded the monie his king had receiued, but hee could not receiue so much as a kinde answere of him.

This double iniury done him by the Dowg­las, both the losse of his monie and (which hee esteemed farre more) of the kinges fauour, did not a little trouble him. Therefore ha­uing no other meanes to bee hereof reuen­ged, hee leaft both Court and Country, and repayring into England complayned him­selfe vnto Henrie the Earle of Northumberland [Page 204] of whome he hoped to be relieued. In the meane time, the Earle Dowglas seized on the Castell of Dunbar in the King his Maisters name, which was committed to the custodie of Robert Mat­land, at the Earle of March his departure into England. Northumberland aduised him to returne into Scotland, and to make tryall if happily some other course might preuaile with his King, for the saluing of these his discontentments. But comming to Dunbar, the Earle Dowglas hauing fortified the Castell, would not admit him en­trance, answering that hee kept it to the vse of the King, who had sent him thither to that end. The other Earle, seeing his greatest enemie so much to triumph ouer him, could not brooke it, but without making further meanes to the King, at whose hands he ought especially to haue fought for remedy, hee together with his wife, children, and allies, returned againe into England, informing the Earle of Northumberland of all the displeasures done vnto him by his aduersary the Dowglas, and withall desired him (seeing he could not otherwise preuaile) to aide him in the reco­uerie of his possessions by force, sithence by force they were kept against him. Herevpon fol­lowed some stirres by the rising of the borderers on both sides, who ioyning then forces toge­ther, did the Dowglas all the mischiefe they could. King Robert not a little moued here-with, did write to king Henry, that vnlesse he would deliuer [Page 205] into his hands the fugitiue Earle, he would take it for a breach of the truce, and proceed against him accordingly. What answer soeuer king Hen­rie made here-vnto, it deserued not so bitter a reprehension, as wher-with Buchanan doth check him. Impudency is a foule fault in a priuate man, much more in a Prince. I hold him of a very fro­ward temper, that in his writings cannot afford a King his good words, although they show some­times dislike of their actions. King Robert vpon the returne of his messenger, caused open warre to be proclaimed, and Sir William Logon a Scottish Knight was forth-with sent to the Sea, of pur­pose to sett on the English fleete, that was then fishing on the coast of Scotland about Aberden. But hee was incountred with certaine ships of Lin, and by them taken prisoner. The Fisher-men vnderstanding what was intended against them, entring into some of the Iles of Orkney, carried away with them; whatsoeuer was worth their la­bour, and set the rest on fire. King Henry percei­uing what was to be looked for out of Scotland, thought it good in the beginning either to draw the Scots to peace, or to resist their malice, before further mischiefe should insue therof. And ther­fore hauing a great armie, hee there-with entred into Scotland about the middest of August, being the eleuenth month from his coronation. From Hadington he passed to Leeth, vsing much clemen­cie in all places where he came, especially to the [Page 206] houses of religion. Where-vpon diuers Castels & Houlds willingly submitted themselues vnto him. Comming to Edenbrough, he besiedged the Castle. Hither Robert Duke of Albanie gouer­nour of Scotland vnder the King his brother, (who by reason of his impotencie could not tra­uell in his person) sent an Harald of Armes vnto king Henry, promising to giue him battaile with­in sixe dayes at the furthest, if hee would stay so long. The King accepting the offer, gaue the mes­senger for his good newes a chaine of gold, and a Sattin gowne at his departure. But neither at the end of sixe or sixteene dayes heard he any more of the Gouernours comming. The Scottish wri­ters attribute this dishonorable dealing to the Dukes ambition, whom it would not haue trou­bled, though the Castle had beene taken, toge­ther with the young Prince of Scotland in the same, that thereby hee might haue beene in so much the more hope of the crowne him-selfe, after which (it was thought) he greatly thirsted. But on the other side, they highly extoll the sin­gular moderation of King Henry, who by this his gentle inuasion seemed rather desirous to al­lure them to peace, then to afflict them with the calamities alwayes accompaning warre. Win­ter approaching, the King brake vp the siedge, and returned home without any shew of resist­ance, greatly to the Gouernours reproach: nei­ther shewing him-selfe desirous of warre, nor [Page 207] willing to offer conditions of peace, how ap­parent tokens soeuer was showed by king Henry of his readinesse to haue accepted thereof. After some little harme done, the next Summer by the borderers on both sides, Patrike Hepburne with some greater powre, entred further into Eng­land: and hauing gotten a good bootie, and ther­withall returning home-wards, hee was ouer-ta­ken by the Englishmen at Nesbet in the Meirs, where their Captaine, together with the greater number of his people, well neere the very flowre of all the Lothian youth, were beaten downe and slaine in fight. Amongst those that were taken prisoners, Iohn and William Cockburne, Robert Law­der, Iohn and Thomas Haliburton, were the men of best account. This ouer-throw was giuen the Scottes on the xxii. day of Iune, in the yeare 1401. 1401 The Earle Archibald Dowglas, sonne to the other Dowglas, that was the great enimie to the Earle of March, his Country-man, who decea­sed the yeare before, being much mooued with this ouer-throw, made great preparation against the next Summer, to lead an armie into England, there-with to take reuenge for the death of so many his good friends and countrey-men. But his successe was no better then theirs. For when his armie had done all the harme it could within the realme, as farre as Newcastle, & was returning homewards with an exceeding great prey, Henry (surnamed Hotespurre) that was taken prisoner at [Page 208] the battaile of Otterburne, pursuing them with a power of the Northern men, and hauing ouer­taken them, saluted there maine battaile with such a forcible flight of arrowes, that the same being much beaten and broken there-with, gaue waie to the Englishmen rushing in vpon it, and thereby gaue them an ouerthrowe, with verie little losse on their owne partie. Amongst the Scottes that were slaine, Sir Iohn Swintone, Sir Alexander Gordon, Sir Iohn Leuestone, Sir Alexan­der Ramsey, and some twentie knights more, were of speciall note. Besides the Earle Dowg­las generall of this army (who in fight lost one of his eyes) there were taken prisoners the Earle of Fife, the gouernours Sonne, Thomas and George, Earles of Murrcy and Angius, and fiue hundred more of meaner degree. This bat­taile was fought at Homildon hil in Northumber­land, on the seauenth of May; in the yeare 1402. 1402 Whereat the Scottes receiued such a blowe, as for many yeares before the like had not hap­ned. For hereat were slaine (one and other) not so fewe as ten thousand of them as our Cro­nicles report. The Lord Percie following his good fortune, forth-with entred into Tyuidale wasting the Country on euery side, and hauing layed siedge to the Castell of Cockla [...]is, Sir Iohn Grenley (the keeper thereof) couenanted with him to surrender it within three monthes, if the siedge were not remooued, but by reason his [Page 209] men were in the meane time sent for, to followe the King into Wales, they could not tarie out the prefixed time. But this Noble race of the Per­cies, who in the beginning of this Kings raigne were his best friends, became now his greatest aduersaries, especially for two causes. First they tooke it in euill part, that the King deman­ded such prisoners as were latelie before taken at Nesbet and Homildon. For they had deliue­red none into his hands, saue onelie Mordake Earle of Fife, the Duke of Albaines Sonne, ac­counting all the rest their peculiar prisoners. The other cause, and the more offensiue, was the imprisonment of Edward Mortimer Earle of the English Marches, their nearest Cousin, whome (as they reported) Owen Glendar of Wailes, kept in filthie prison, laden with ma­nie irons, onelie because hee continewed faith­full to King Richard his Maister.

While King Henrie was therefore prepa­ring an armie, where-with to passe againe into Wales (for hee had beene latelie there beefore) Thomas Percie Earle of Worcester, gaue secret intelligence thereof to his brother the Earle of Northumberland, who togither with his Sonne the Lord Henrie, and the Earle Dowg­las his prisoner, with such aide as by his meanes, they could get out of Scotland, gathered a pow­er of some foureteene thousand chosen men, of whome the greater number were Cheshire [Page 210] men, and Welshmen, that were conducted by the Earle of Worcester, and the Lord Henry: the Sco­tishmen by Dowglas. The Earle of Northumber­land with his retinue stayed in the North, while the rest marched towards Shrewsburie, purpo­sing to haue taken that towne. But the king (by the continuall calling on of the Scottish Earle of March, who tooke his part) made such speed, as that approaching the rebels sooner then they looked, that enterprise was preuented. When the two armies were mette, and euery man pre­pared to fight, the King offered them pardon vpon any reasonable conditions. But by the perswasion of the Earle of Worcester, (who from the beginning was the chiefe worker of all this mischiefe) there was no way but to trye it out by dint of sword. The Scottes (as some write) had the leading of the fore-ward on the Percies side, and intending to bee reuenged on the Englishmen, by the helpe of Englishmen, they so fiercely assailed the Kings partie, as that disordering their ranckes, they made them giue backe.

But amongst the rest, the Earle Dowglas shew­ed himselfe that daye a most valiant man of Armes, for still aiming at the fayrest marke, hee strooke downe three that were apparrelled like the King, (because hee would not bee knowne from the rest) but whether hee light on him at all or not, hee bestowed on Sir Walter Blunt (one [Page 211] of that coate (such a deadly blow, that hee neuer arose againe. After the fight had continued three long houres with doubtfull victorie on eyther side, in the end the rebels were vanqui­shed and put to flight. The Earle Dowglas falling vpon the cragge of a steepe mountaine; brake one of his genitalls, and was taken, whom the King freely forgaue, and set at liberty for his va­liancie and notable courage.

This battaile was fought on Mary Magdalines euening, in the yeare 1403. 1403 whereat was slaine of the Kings partie sixteene hundred, of his eni­mies aboue fiue thousand. Though the Earle of Northumberland found such fauour, as that hee was pardoned, and restored to all his possessi­ons, neuer-the-lesse within a yeare after hee en­tred into a new conspiracie, but when hee heard the fame was discouered, and some of his confederates executed, hee together with the Lord Bardolfe fledde into Scotland, where they were entertained of Dauid Lord Flemming: in requitall of whose kindnesse hee gaue vp the towne of Berwicke (which was then in his custo­die) vnto the vse of the Scottish King. But when the Scots vnderstood that King Henry approched with his armie, they fired the towne, and so left it: while these English Lords remained in Scotlād, the king of England practised with some of the Scottish Nobilitie to apprehend them. But the [Page 212] Lord Flemming giuing them notice hereof, they both fledde into Wales to Owi [...] Glendouer a great enimie to king Henrie. Such of the Lords of Scotland as had plotted the deliuerie of those fugitiue Lords, hauing gotten knowledge that they escaped their hands by meanes of the Lord Flemming, were there-with so much displeased as that it cost him his life.

This fact sowed great discention amongst them-selues, in such sort as one knew not how to trust another. Wherefore to auoide further mischiefe that was like to haue followed there­of, it was thought good to sue for a truce be­tweene the two Nations (which was effected,) and the same to indure for one whole yeare. King Robert of Scotland, being taught before by his brothers disloyaltie, that there was small trust to bee reposed in his owne subiects, the rather because they were so distrustfull one of another, tooke order for the conuoye of his other sonne (beeing a childe not aboue nine yeares olde) vnto King Charles of France, to re­ceiue good education there.

But it fortuned, that in his passage the Shippe was mette with-all by certaine Englishmen at Fl [...]mbrough-head in Holdernesse, about the lat­ter end of March, who thinking it neither fit nor conuenient to suffer the same to passe any further, without making the King acquainted [Page 213] there-with, the yong Prince with his traine were forth-with conuaied to the Court then at Winde­soure. The Child beeing brought to the Kings presence, presented vnto him a letter which the King his Father had giuen him, to the end that if by chance he should be either taken at sea, or for­ced by tempest to take land on the coast of Eng­land, hee might thereby finde the more fauour with the King. The tenure of which letter I haue here inserted, as I finde it in the history of Scot­land written by Hollinshead.

Robert King of Scottes
to Henry King of Eng­land greeting.

Thy great magnificence humility and iustice are right present with vs, by the go­uernance of thy last armie in Scotland, how­beit sic things had beene vncertaine to vs a­fore: for though thou seemed as an enemie, with most awefull incursions in our Realme: Yet we found manie humilities and pleasires than da­mages by thy comming to our subdittes. Spe­ciallie to yame that receyuit thy Noblie Father, the Duke of Longcastell, in the time of his exile in Scotland. Wee may not ceys yairfore while wee are in life but aye luys and loif the as maist Noble and Worthie Prince to ioys thy Realme. For yocht Realmes and Nations contend a­mang themselues for conquestes of glorie and lands, ȝit na occasion is amang vs to inuade a­thir Realmes or lieges with iniuries, bot euer to contend amang our selues, quhay sall persew [Page 214] other with maist humanitie and kindnesse. As to vs wee will meis all occasion of battell quhare any occurres at thy pleasure. For­ther bycause wee haue na lesse sollicitude in preseruing our Children fra certaine deidlie enemies, than had sometime thy Noble Father, wee ar constreined to seeke support at vncouth Princes hands. Howbeit, the inuasion of e­nemies is sa great, that small defence occurres against yame, without they bee preserued by amitie of Nobill men. For the warld is sa full of peruersit malice, that na crueltie nor offence may bee deuisit in erd, bot the same may bee wrocht be motion of gold and siluer. Here­fore, bycause wee knawe thy hienesse full of mo­ny nobill vertues, with sic pyssaunce and riches, that na Prince in our daies may bee compard thairto, wee desire thy humanitie and support at this time. VVee traist it is not vnknowne to thy Maiestie, how our eldest Sonne Dauid is slaine miserably inprison by our brother the Duke of Albaine, quhome wee chesit to bee Gouernour (quhan wee were fallen in decrepit age) to our subditts, and Realme, beseek and thy hyenesse thairfore to bee sa fauorable, that this bearer Iames our second and allnerly Sonne may haue targe to life vnd [...]r thy faith and ius­tie, to bee some memorie of our posterity, knaw and the vnstable condition of mans life sa sodainly altered, now fluris [...]d and sodenlie [Page 215] falling to vtter consumption, for thir beliefe well, quhan Kings and Princes hes na other beild bot in thair awin folkes, thair Empire is caduke and fragil. For the minde of common pepill ar euer flowaund and mair inconstant than wind. Ȝit quhen Princes ar roborate be amity of othir vncouth Kings thair brethir and Nieghbours, na aduersity may occurre to eiect thaim fra thair dignity royall. Forthire gif thy hienesse thinke nocht expedient (as God forbeid) to obtemper to thir our desiers. Ȝit wee request ane thing quhilk was ratifiet in our last trewes and condi­tion of peace, that the supplication made be ony of the two kings of England & Scotland, sall stand in manner of safe conduct to the bearer. And thus we desire to be obseruit to this our allnerly Son. And the gratious God conserue the maist Noble Prince.

The Scottish writers reporte, that when King Robert had knowledge of the staie of his Sonne in England in the nature of a prisoner, he tooke the matter so greeuously, that being an a­ged sicklie man, and of long time oppressed with malancholie, hee died within three daies after.

There is some difference amongst the writers concerning the time when these things chaun­ced. Harding placeth these occurrēts in the yeare 1408. 1408 Buchanan chargeth king Henrie to haue dealt iniuriouslie, in detayning the young [Page 216] Prince, not onely without respect had to the King his Fathers request, but also while the truce yet continewed betweene the two Nations, which (as hee saith) was lately taken for eight yeares. But I do not see how that can be proued, fo [...] in the English Chronicles I finde no truce a­greed vpon since the battaile of Homildon but once, and that but for one yeare, in the seauenth yeare of King Henries raigne. Whereas it is ma­nifest enough, that aboue a yeare before this, the Earle of Northumberland and the Lord Bardolfe, after they had bin in Wales, Flaunders and France, to haue purchased aide against King Henry, were returned into Scotland, and now not aboue sixe or seauen weekes before the arriuall of the yong Prince in England were entred into the Realme with a power of Scottes, and comming into York­shire, were incountred and ouerthrowne by Sir Thomas Rooksbie then Sheriffe of the Shire, on the nineteenth day of Februarie in the yeare 1407. 1407 The Earle himselfe was slaine in the field, and the Lord Bardolfe sore wounded, as beeing taken, he died thereof shortlie after. Hereby it appeareth, that either there was no truce at al at this time, or else the Scottes made small account thereof; taking part with the enemies of the land against their natural King, within his owne king­dome. Howsoeuer the Sonnes captiuity did for the present trouble the sickly olde King his Fa­ther. The Scottes haue had no cause sinne to bee [Page 217] much offended thereat. For (as it is confessed by themselues) king Henrie tooke so great care for his education, in all manner of disci­pline fit for his calling, as that Realme had neuer before a Prince furnished with more excellent qualities. No doubt king Henrie hereby sought in kindnesse to binde him and that Nation to a perpetuall acknowledgment of his singuler loue and fauor towards the one and the other. But as the sequell showed, the same was little or no­thing regarded afterwards. The death of king Robert made no alteration in the state of gouern­ment in Scotland, with him died onely the title of king; for the other Robert his brother, the Duke of Albaine in manner as before, so still he inioyed the soueraigne command ouer that Nation. A­bout this time, or not long before Sir Robert Vn­freuille high admirall of England burnt the towne of Peples on the market day, causing his men to make so good penie-worthes of the cloathes they got there, as that therevpon the Scottes cal­led him Robin mend market. In the meane sea­son the Castell of Iedworth (which the Englishmen had held euer since the battaile at Durham (was taken by Tyuidale men and throwne downe to the ground. Shortly after the Earle of March (who before at a Parliament was recommended by the commons of England, to the kings gratious consideration ouer his due demerites, for his good seruice done in the Realme) returned into [Page 218] Scotland, and was restored to his former digni­tie and possessions there. The Scottes thought themselues not sufficientlie reuenged for the markets, that Sir Robert Vmfreuille lately made of their goods in England, and therefore in the yeare following, Patrike Dumbar, second Sonne to the Earle of March with an hundred men well apoynted for the purpose, came earelie one mor­ning, some-what before day, to Fast Castell, and entring into the same tooke the Captaine there­of prisoner, who by daily out-roades greatlie indamaged the Countrie next adioyning. A­bout the same time Gawin Dumbar an other Sonne of the sayd Earle, togither with William Dowglas, brake downe the bridge of Roxbrughe, and set the towne on fire, but durst not attempt the taking of the Castell. Sir Robert Vmfreuille hauing by this time vttered all his merchan­dice by the measure of his mens long-bowes, for the worth of so manie yardes, thought it now high time to make a new aduenture, and therefore in the yeare 1410. 1410 Hee entred the Furth with tenne talle shippes of warre, where lying for the space of a fort-night togi­ther, hee some-times landed on the one side, and some-times on the other, carying still with him manie good booties, not-with-standing that the Gouernour and the Earle Dowglas were both readie to resist him. Hee burned the Gal­liot of Scotland (a Shippe of greatest account) [Page 219] with manie other smaller vesselles lying then at the Blacknesse ouer against Leeth. At his returne into England hee brought with him foureteene good shippes with many commodi­ties, as cloathes both wollen and linnen, pitch, tarre, woad, flowre meale, wheate and rie, mak­ing as good pennie-worthes thereof as hee did before, as long as his store-house had anie thing leaft in it. But not satisfied here-with, hee togither with his Nephewe young Gilbert Vmfreuille Earle of Angius (but more commonlie called Lord of Kinne) entred the same yeare once againe into Scotland by land and spoiled the greater part of Tyuidale.

Thus it appeareth that at this time there was no peace betweene the two Nations, or else it was little respected on both sides. For manie yeares after there was little doeing beetweene them. But now approached the ende of this Noble Prince who deceasing in the fourth-teenth yeare of his raigne, in the yeare of our Lord 1412. 1412 leaft the Crowne vnto his Sonne Henry, Prince of Wailles, that was no lesse inheritour to his heroycall vertues then to the same. In the second yeare of his raigne it was propounded in Parliament, whether it were more meete to beginne with the con­quest of France (wherevnto hee pretended a iust title) or first to reduce Scotland to their for­mer obedience, for it was resolued that the [Page 220] one or other should forth-with be taken in hand. After long debate and consultation vpon this point, it was concluded that the warre should be commenced against the mightier enimie: for if France were once subdued, the Scottes were easily tamed, so that now they were at good leisure either to bee lookers on, or actors on which side it pleased them. Neuerthelesse whether it were that their Gouernour would not willingly incur King Henries displeasure, fearing least if he had stirred, hee would haue thrust him out of place, by sending the young King home, or whether that nation doubted, that by that occasion the king would haue beene prouoked to set in foote for himselfe, vnder colour of the defence of the your Prince his title, or else whatsoeuer it was that moued them therevnto, the Scottes made no great adoe during his raigne, though they were yet once againe prouoked by Vmfreuille, who be­ing put in trust, at the Kings passage ouer into France, to gard the frontiers on that side, fought with them at Gedering, with three hundred Ar­chers, and seauen score men of armes, where af­ter long fight, he slue aboue three score of them, and tooke three hundred prisonere in chase, which was continued twelue miles, and then re­turned to Roxbrough Castle, whereof hee was Captaine. This conflict was on Mary Magdalines day, in the yeare 1414. 1414 Three yeares after, the Scottes made some show of a purpose they had, [Page 221] to performe some great exploit, but vpon the approach of the English armie, they with-drew them-selues homeward without doing any great hurt. But although they ceased from further an­noyance here, yet being entertained by the Dol­phine in France, they opposed themselues there against the Englishmen. The Scottish writers re­port, that seauen thousand of them passed ouer together vnder the conduct of Iohn Earle of Buchquhan, sonne to their Gouernour, accom­panied with Archibald Dowglas, and diuers other of good place. Vnto these men they do attribute the victory ouer the Englishmen at the battaile of Baugie, fought on Easter-euen, in the yeare 1421. 1421 where the Duke of Clarence the Kings brother, giuing too much credit to a Lumbard, vnadui­sedly set vpon the Frenchmen and Scottes, and was slaine, together with diuerse other Noble­men of England, in the whole to the number of some two thousand. Of the aduerse party were also slaine aboue twelue hundred, the best men of warre amongst them. So as they had no great cause to boast of the victorie, how glorious so euer they make the same, affirming that for their good seruice at this time, the Dolphin bestowed great honours and offices vpon them. The Scotts being thus animated against King Henry, at his next iourney into France (and the last he made) he tooke with him the Prince of Scotland, to trie if happily they would be therby wone either to his [Page 222] party, or at least moued to returne home againe. But they so little regarded the matter, that being demanded why they would fight against their owne King, they answered; That they would not acknowledge any dutie to him, who as yet liued vnder the obedience of an other. Herewith (saith Buchanan) King Henry was so much displeased, that at the taking of Meaux in Bury, he caused 20. Scots to be executed, whom hee found there, be­cause they had armed them-selues against their owne King. But I see not how it can be so, for the souldiours seeing themselues vnable to make re­sistance, abandoned the towne, and with-drawing their forces into the market place, fortified the same, which being afterwards surrendred vpon composition, the liues of poore men onely were excepted, namely bastard Vauren the Captaine of the towne, the Baily, & two Burgesses, all which vpon good consideration were immediatly exe­cuted, and no other. When this most victorious Prince had so wonderfully preuailed in his inten­ded conquest of France, as that within the terme of fiue or sixe yeares, hee had brought the better part thereof vnder his obedience, it pleased the almighty God (the disposer of kingdoms) to take him from those earthly honours, to the fruition (I hope) of that endlesse and incomparable glory prepared for them that are his, from the Prince to the Peasant. He dyed in France in the 9. yeare of his raigne 1422. 1422 Hee left to succeed him his [Page 223] onely child Prince Henry, about as many months old as his father had raigned yeares. Whose in­fancie was neuerthelesse mightily supported, by the notable valiancie and policie of his two Vn­cles Humfrey Duke of Glocester and Iohn Duke of Bedford, to the one was committed the protectiō of his person and kingdome, to the other the ma­naging of the warre continued in France. The death of the two kings comming together, with­in two months one after the other, caused much alteration in the state, wherein that nation pre­sently stood. For thervpon a great number of the French nobility, who before had taken part with the Englishmē, began to reuolt to Charles the Dol­phine. The Scotts also became now more ready to assist him then before, thorow the hope they had of present aduancement, which thing within two yeares after cost many of their liues, first at the siege of Crauant, in the County of Auxerre, and in the yere following at the bloudy battaile of Ver­noile, fought on the 20. of August, in the yeare 1424. 1424 At the former conflict, besides 1800. Gen­tlemen of the French nation, there were slaine of the Scots their partakers, the Lord of Saint Iohns towne, Sir Iohn of Bulgary, S. Iohn Turnbull, S. Iohn Haliburton, Sir Robert Lisley, S. William Coningham, Sir William Dowglas, Sir Alexander Hume, S. William Lisly, Sir Iohn Rotherford, S. William Crayford, S. Tho­mas Seaton, S. Williā Hamilton, & his son Iohn Pillot: the Earle Buchquhan maister of the French chiual­ry, who in the sight lost his eie, was takē prisoner. [Page 224] But at the battaile of Vernoile, of the Scottes were slaine Archibald Earle Dowglas, lately created by the Dolphine Duke of Turaine, Iames Dowglas his Sonne Earle of Wigton. Iohn Earle of Bowg­hen, who (as it seemeth) had either escaped be­fore out of the Englishmens hands, or else had r [...]eemed his liberty, besides men of speciall note, aboue two thousand. In the meane time, (thorough dissention that arose betweene Mordo then the gouernour of Scotland, after the decease of the Duke of Albaine his Father and his vn­rulie Sonnes) certaine Ambassadours were sent from thence into England to treate for the deli­uery of Prince Iames of Scotland. This young Gentleman was then greatlie inamored ouer a beautifull Ladie, Sister to Iohn Duke of Somerset, Neece to the Cardinall of Winchester, and to the Duke of Excester, and neere cousine to the yong King himselfe, it was hoped that thorowe the alliance hee should haue in England by this marriage, and the manifold fauours following the same: the Prince should haue beene wonne to a perpetuall amity with this Realme, which had beene now vnto him for the tearme of fif­teene yeares, a verie Sanctuarie for the safety of his person, and an Academie for the instruction of his minde and vnderstanding.

The Lord protector and the Nobilitie of the Land were heereby mooued, not onely vpon ve­rie reasonable conditions to set him at liberty, [Page 225] but also to yeeld him the fruition of her loue, which happily the Prince preferred, or at the least equally ballanced with the same. Before his departure into Scotland, hee did homage to the young king of England at Windsor Castell, in the presence of three Dukes, the two Archbishops, twelue Earles, ten Bishops, twenty Barons, and two hundred Knights and Gentlemen, in these words, viz. I Iames Steward King of Scots, shall be true and faithfull to you Lord Henry, by the grace of God King of England, and to you I make my fidelity for the same kingdome of Scotland, which I hold and claime of you. And I shall beare you my faith and fidelitie of life and limme, and worldly honour against all men. And faithfully I shall doe to you seruice for the kingdome of Scotland. So God me helpe, &c.

This done, King Iames with his Queene, were honorably attended and accompanied into Scot­land, in the yeare of grace 1423. 1423 But not-with-standing this his solemne oath, his princely edu­cation here, and all the fauours hee had receiued, both at his departure, and during his captiuitie (if it may be so tearmed, whether it proceeded from a bad disposition in himselfe, or (as I rather take it) from the malice of his Nobilitie (who for the more part were French in affection) this Prince of all other shewed least thankfulnesse: for hauing forgotten the former courtesies, hee entred into matrimoniall alliance with France, [Page 226] then at defiance with that his late affinitie with England, being euen then (as it were) most near­lie naturalized, by his issue in bloud and kindred there-vnto. Buchanan doth greatly labour his wittes there-with to wash out this blemish in the middest of the splendor and brightnesse of his manifold graces. But sithence hee faileth (as I take it) in the very foundation of that his A­pologie, the frame which hee would thereon build, must of necessitie fall to the ground. For hee taketh it already granted, that the king of England did both violate his owne faith, and the lawes of all Nations, by detaining the Prince as his lawfull prisoner, vpon his arriuall here on the coast. But it is apparant enough (as be­fore I haue shewed) that either there was no truce at all betweene the two nations at that instant, or if there were, the same was notori­ouslie broken by the Scottes, in ioyning those their so great forces, with the knowne enimies of this realme, against their lawfull Soueraigne, so farre within his owne kingdome. Admit all that was done without the priuitie of the King him-selfe. But how-so-euer, the good aged man might iustly pleade his innocencie herein (bear­ing as then the bare title of King) how can the State bee excused, against whose knowledge an enterprice of that importance, could not pos­sibly haue beene attempted? if there were any hard measure offered herein, by king Henrie, [Page 227] neuerthelesse the same was so fully acquited by the inestimable benefit of his pretious educati­on (for as Buchanan himselfe reporteth thereof: Tanta ingenij celeritas & vigor in eo fuisse dicitur, vt nullam homine ingenuo dignum artem ignora­bat) that truly such a captiuitie should neuer haue moued him to haue falne out with England: vpon the mariage of the Lady Margaret (the Scottish kings Daughter) with Lewis the Dolphine: some sturres arose betweene the Englishmen and the Scottes, with equall losse on both sides, but not of much reckoning. King Iames neuer-the­lesse being there-with prouoked, assembled a great powre, and besieged the Castle of Rox­brough, from whence he was remoued by the re­paire of the Queene his wife thither, that infor­med him of a very dangerous conspiracie a­gainst his owne person, how-be-it, shortly af­ter his returne into Scotland, hee was wickedly murthered by his subiects in the yeare 1436. 1436 leauing behind him a neuer dying memory of many royall vertues.

The young Prince his sonne, (Iames the se­cond) about seauen yeares olde at his fathers death, hauing raigned aboue twentie yeares, was slaine by misfortune at the siege of the same Castle, where the King his Father had knowledge first giuen him of the plotte of his finall destruction. In the meane time there was nothing of any importance passed betweene [Page 228] the two nations, what was gotten by either party at one time, was lost againe at another, after the manner of the mutabilitie of those aduentures: happily there would haue beene more doings be­tweene them, if the continuall troubles with their owne subiects, had not giuen both the kings their hands full at home. Besides that, king Henry after the deaths of those two gallant war­riers his Vncles, was so busied with loosing that which his victorious father had lately gotten in France, as that hee could not attend any dealings with Scotland, though hee had beene more then he was therevnto prouoked. But in the end king Iames taking the aduantange of time, (vnder co­lour to reuenge the death of Edmond Duke of Somerset his mothers brother, who about fiue yeares before was slaine at Saint Albons by the faction of Yorke, in the defence of the king) was incouraged to vnder-take this his vnfortunate iourney against Roxbrugh. Notwithstanding this mishap, the Scotts would not giue ouer the siege, but so manfully assailed the defendants, that in the end they were forced vpon honorable condi­tions, to yeeld vp the Castle vnto the yong king, (Iames the third) then present, being about the same age that his father was of, when that Castle was besieged last before, but dispairing to bee able to hold it long in their possession, they cast it downe to the ground, and returned home to solemnize the funerals of the father, and the [Page 229] coronation of the Sonne, in the yeare 1460. 1460 within sixe months after this, the King of Eng­land was deposed, and so together ended the raignes of these two kings, the one by vntime­ly death, the other by liuing longer then he knew how to raigne, for hauing liued and raigned to­gether, about eight and thirtie yeares, hee was then by his owne subiects deposed and depriued of all kinglie powre, where-vpon both hee, the Queene, his wife, and his sonne, fled together in­to Scotland for succour, from whence the Queene passed ouer into France, and hauing gathered some ayde out of those countries, they assayed the recouerie of their former estates, but all in vaine, for their aduersarie Edward Duke of Yorke, (the new elected King) still defeated all their attempts tending there-vnto. The desolate king hauing beene harbored in Scotland about three yeares, aduentured to returne vnknowne into England (I know not with what hope of good successe) but being presently discouered, he was apprehended, and committed to the Towre of London, from whence with-in seauen yeares af­ter hee was deliuered, King Edward being driuen out of the realme by the Earle of Warwike, who before had been the chiefe meane of his aduance­ment to the Crowne. But this was but a light­ning before his last fall, for within sixe months after, king Edward returned againe into England, where hee found such friends, that forth-with [Page] without any resistance; hee e [...]red into London, tooke King Henrie (who in the meane time was newly crowned) and committed him to his for­mer imprisonment, where the same yeare hee ended his life not without suspition of violence. By meanes of this ciuill dissention here in Eng­land, Berwicke became Scottish, for King Henry had bestowed the same on King Iames, in requitall of the fauour hee had found in Scotland during his abode there. Hereat King Edward for the pre­sent was not onely content to winke, but also willing to accept of a truce with that nation for fifteene yeares. King Iames hauing in the meane season, through lewd counsell of certaine bad persons about him, vniustly executed one of his brothers, and imprisoned an other, fell there­by into contempt and mislike with his subiects, and therefore to make himselfe the stronger, if happily they should rise in armes against him, he sent into England (the expiration of the former truce now approaching) a solemne Ambassage to intreate that his Sonne Iames the young Prince of Scotland, might haue to wife the Lady Cicelie, second Daughter to King Edward. This request was so well liked of by the King and his Counsell, that the same was easilie yeelded vn­to, and for the better assurance thereof, King Edward was also willing presently to disburse certaine summes of money, with condition that i [...] afterwardes vpon any occasion the intended [Page 231] marriage should not hold, that then the monie should within a certaine time limitted, be repay­ed backe againe. For the performance whereof the principall marchants of Edenbrough stood bound to the King of England. This was thus concluded vpon in the yeare 1481. 1481 While King Iames now hoped that all was safe on his side, by his alliance with England, Alexander his se­cond brother Duke of Albanie, had the good hap to escape out of the Castell of Edenbrough, where hee was imprisoned, who hauing after­ward spent some time in France, and not pre­uailing so much with Lewis the eleuenth, as that hee would bee intreated to ayde him to­wards the recouerie of his former estate in Scotland, came ouer hither into England, and ear­nestlie solicited king Edward to make warre vp­on the king his brother, thereby to take reuenge for the extreame iniuries done to him and his other brother Iohn Earle of Marre, from whom he had taken his life, as from him-selfe his lands and libertie. The Duke was herein seconded by the Dowglas, who long before had beene ba­nished Scotland. These two so much preuailed with King Edward (and the rather because the Scottish King had euen then permitted his sub­iects, at the perswasion of the French king, to inuade the English marches, to the great hurt and annoyance of the inhabitants) that in the end king Edward caused preparation for to bee [Page] made for the inuasion of Scotland, against the next spring. The leading of this strong armie, was committed to certaine Noble-men, ouer whom Richard Duke of Glocester the Kings bro­ther, then newly come to mans estate, was ap­pointed Lieutenant Generall.

About the beginning of Iuly in the yeare fol­lowing, the English host incamped neere vnto Anwike, and was marshalled after this manner. The fore-ward was conducted by Henry Earle of Northumberland, vnder whose Standard were the Lord Scroope of Bolton, and diuers other to the number of sixe thousand and seauen hundred of all sorts. In the middle battaile the Duke him­ [...]e [...]e was placed, and with him the Duke of Al­banie, the Lord Louell, the Lord Greystocke, Sir Edward Wooduille, and others, to the number of fiue hundred and foure-score. The Lord Ne­uill was appointed to follow, with three hun­dred. To the Lord Standley was committed the l [...]t wing, and the other to the Lord Fitz­ [...]gh, consisting betweene them of six thousand men. One thousand moe attended the great Or­dinance. In this manner they marched towards [...]erwicke, at whose approach the Scottes abando­ned the towne.

The two Dukes without further [...]ay (leauing behind them forty thou [...]d to besiege the C [...]le, which was kept by th [...] Earle [...]othwell) departed thence with the A [...] [...]owardes Edenbrough, [Page 233] burning and spoiling the country as they passed. Being come thither the Duke of Glocester, entred the towne without resistance, which at the en­treatie of the Scottish Duke he forbare to spoile, contenting himselfe with those presents, which the Marchants offered vnto him and his Cap­taines. Here hee caused Garter (King at armes) by open proclamation to admonish King Iames (who keeping himselfe within the Castell, world not be spoken with-all) to obserue and performe all such couenants, promises, and agreements, as hee had formerly subscribed vnto, and by his seale confirmed, to the vse and behoofe of king Edward. And also to make sufficient recom­pence to his subiects, for all the domage they had sustained by the sundry inuasions of the Scottes, whilest the league yet continued be­tweene the two nations, and this to be done be­fore the first day of August next following. And further, to restore his brother the Duke of Albanie to his former estate within the realme of Scotland, not detracting or diminish­ing any part of his possessions, offices and au­thoritie, which at any time before hee held and inioyed within the same. Otherwise if hee re­fused to satisfie the King of England, in all and euery of those demands, then hee the sayde Duke his Lieutenant generall, would forth-with with fire and sworde, pursue the destructi­o [...] [...]d vtter spoile of him and his kingdome. [Page 234] Here-vnto King Iames, not knowing presently what answer to make, was altogether silent. But the nobilitie of Scotland (who now were not in any great trust and fauour with their King) hauing assembled their forces at Hading­ton, and finding themselues vnable therewith to encounter the puissance of the English armie, thought it best to offer a treatie of peace, hope­ing in the meane time by faire promises to al­lure the Duke of Albanie from his amitie with England. Here-vpon by their Letters dated the second of August, they signified to the Gene­rall, that it was all their desires, that the for­mer contract of mariage betweene the Prince of Scotland, and the King of Englands Daugh­ter, should take place, according to the coue­nants agreed vpon concerning the same. And also that a firme peace betweene the two Nati­ons, might thence-forth bee duely obserued on both sides, and that nothing had beene done by them tending to the breach thereof. Here-vnto Duke Ri [...]h [...]rd answered. That for the mat­ter of mariage hee was not acquainted with the King, his [...]others pleasure therein, and therefore could say nothing to that point: but hee had commission to demand such summes of money as their King had before receiued, si­thence hee no more respe [...]ed the obseruance of the couenants agreed vnto, at the treatie of that marriage, and that the b [...]each of one prin­cipall [Page 235] Article frustrated all the rest. As for peace, he answered flatly, that hee would yeeld to none, vnlesse the Castell of Berwike might immediatly be deliuered vp vnto him, or at the least vnlesse they would binde them-selues by oath, neither to remooue the siege, nor to relieue the same, till it were surrendred or taken by force. The Scottish Lords vpon these demands, sent vnto the Generall, the Bishop of Murrey and the Lord Dernley with these instructions. First as touch­ing the repaiment of those summes of money which were by him demanded, the same was not due, the time being not yet come, wherein it was to bee restored againe, according to the a­greement at the treatie of mariage, for as yet both the parties were vnder age. But if the Duke thought the former assurance insufficient, they would do any thing (as farre as reason required) to satisfie him to his full contentment. Second­lie, as concerning the yeelding vp of Berwicke Castell, the same was scituate within the anti­ent confines of the realme of Scotland, and pro­perlie appertained there-vnto, and therefore it could not with-out open wrong, bee taken and kept from them.

The Duke not-with-standing this their plea, would not harken to any motion of peace, vnlesse that Castell were forth-with deliue­red to the vse of the King his Brother. The same daye beeing the third of August, Coline [Page] Earle of A [...]gile, Andrewe Steward Lord Chan­celor of Scotland and the two Bishoppes of Saint Andrewes and Dunkell sent to the Duke of Al­baine vnto the English Campe then at Leuingtone besides Hadington, an instrument in writing vn­der their hands and seales, contayning such of­fers of kindnesse towards the recouery of the king his brothers fauour and his former estate, that hauing acquainted the Duke of Glocester therewithall, and faithfullie assured him of his loyaltie in that behalfe, he was presently withall kindnesse dismissed, and so repayred to the Lords his countriemen: who immediatlie assembling a Counsell, he was by generall consent, not one­lie restored to his former dignities and possessi­ons, but withall was aduanced to the highest place of gouerment vnder the king, and by open proclamation intituled Lord Leutenant of Scot­land. In this assemblie the question was pro­pounded, what was best to be done touching the d [...]nd of the Castell of Berwike. It seemed good to the best aduised Lords and others a­mongst them, in that dangerous time, wherein the Realme was so greatlie preplexed by do­m [...]sticall dissentions, rather to incline to peace, though it were with some losse; then otherwaies to prouoke so mightie an aduersarie, as the king of England would bee vnto them. That a good Neighbour (according to the French prouerbe) would bee a good mo [...]o [...]. It was therefo [...]e [Page 237] in the end resolued vpon, without further delay to proceede to a conclusion of peace for the pre­sent time, how deare soeuer they payed for it. Herevpon a deed indented bearing date the foure and tweenteth day of the same month of August, was presented vnto the Duke of Gloces­ter, contayning a contract betweene him, Lieu­tenant generall for the king of England on the one part, and the other Duke, Lieutenant gene­rall in like manner for the king of Scotland on the other part: couenanting on the behalfe both of the one and other, that an absteinance of warre should bee obserued by sea and land, from the eight daie of September till the fourth of No­uember next following. In which time the Scottish Duke did couenant to yeelde vp the towne and Castell of Berwike, into the hands and possession of such, as by the king of England or his deputie should bee therevnto appoynted. According to which agreement the said Castell was deliuered to the custodie of Lord Standlie, on the sixe and tweentith daie of the foresaid month, hauing then beene in the possession of the Scottes neere one and tweentie yeares, but hath euer since continewed English. And it was further couenanted on the behalfe of the Scottish Duke, that vpon knowledge giuen, whether it was the king of England his pleasure, to haue the intended marriage betweene his Daughter and the young Prince to take place, or otherwise to [Page 238] be broke [...] off: that then he would proceede ac­cordingly, either to prepare the mony paiable vnto him, or else to the present solemnization of the same. But King Edward foreseeing, what vn­quietnesse was likely to arise in Scotland be­tweene the two brothers, and happely fauoring the Duke more then the King, resolued with himselfe to breake of the marriage in speech be­tweene them, and to that end hee presently sent [...]arter King of armes, accompanied with an o­ther Harald to signifie the same. These men com­ming to Edenbrugh, eight daies before the pre­fixed time receiued answere of the Prouost and burgesses (that stood bound to the King of England) that now vpon notice giuen them of the King their Maisters pleasure, they would [...]ake prouision for the repayment of the mony a [...] a day appointed for the same, which was per­formed accordingly.

The messengers beeing curteously entertay­ned, and from thence conuaied back againe to Barwicke, they repaired to New-castel, where they made relation to the Duke of Glocester of all their proceedings in Scotland, who therevpon with all speed remooued to Shriue-hutton and there abode. When King Edward had thus en­ded his businesse with Scotland and was now pre­paring the like iorney into France, to bee reuen­ged on the double dealing bee found in King Lewis the eleuenth, about the like t [...]eatie of a [Page 239] marriage with the Dolphine: that contention was presently taken vp by the messinger of God. For shortly after they both died in one and the same yeare, from the incarnation of our Sauiour 1483. 1483 In the meane time the Duke of Albanie found so little saftie in his owne Countrie, as that to auoide the mischiefe, which was inten­ded towards him by the King his brother, hee was forced to repaire againe into England, and to make him the more well-come to King Edward, hee deliuered into his hands the Cas­tell of Dumbar.

King Edward being deceased, he was certuous­ly entertayned of his late acquaintance, the Duke of Glocester, who first had made himselfe Lord Protector of the Realme, but not satisfied therewith, because he aymed at an higher digni­tie, within two monthes after hee vsurped the Crowne and title of King, and forth-with for his more security caused the two young Princes his Nephewes to be wickedlie murthered in the Towre of London, whither hee had committed them for that purpose. The Duke of Albanie to­gither with the Earle Dowglas (who had remai­ned here as a banished man neere thirty yeares) with such aide as they could get, made sundrie roades into Scotland, but still with more losse then aduantage. Dowglas in the end was taken and lead into Scotland, where he died in the Ab­bey of Landoris.

But the Duke seeing hee could obtaine no bet­ter reliefe at King Richards hands, secretly pas­sed ouer into France, where he dyed shortly after of an hurt, which hee receiued of the Duke of Orliance, as they ranne together at the tilt. King Iames being now falne into no lesse contempt of his subiects, thorow his dissolute life, and ouer small regard of his nobilitie, then king Richard was with the Englishmen, for his outragious cru­eltie: both the one and the other were vehe­mently distracted with continuall feare of their vtter falls. In this perplexitie they both mette with one and the same conceipt, which was by a league of friendship betweene them-selues, to strengthen and confirme one the others despe­rate estate: so as King Richard had no sooner propounded an offer of peace, but the other most willingly entertained the same. Ti [...]e and place was forth-with appointed, when & where Commissioners on both sides should meete a­bout this businesse, which within three weekes was brought to this issue. A truce was taken to endure from the end of September (which was in the yeare 1484. 1484 ) for the terme of three yeares. More-ouer for the better strengthening thereof, king Richard entred into a treatie also, of a [...]w alliance by marriage, betweene the Duke of Rothesay, the young Prince of Scotland, and the Lady [...]e [...]e [...]a P [...]le, Daughter to Iohn Duke of Suffolke by his sister, whom he so much [Page 241] fauored, that after the decease of his owne Son, he caused her Sonne, Iohn Earle of Lincolne, to bee proclamed heire apparent to the Crowne disinherityng all the daughters of his brother the late deceased king. For the effecting of this intended marriage, both the kings did send their Commissioners againe to Notingham, (where the former peace was also concluded) which was likewise there agreed vpon, and the assurance in­grossed and ratified by hand and seale, and affian­ces made and taken by deputies on both sides. The sayd Lady was thence-forth called and re­puted Princesse of Rothsay. But by occasion of the death of king Richard (that was shortly after slaine at Bosworth field) she inioyed that title but a while. During the time of truce, some ques­tion did arise for the restitution of the Castell of Dumbar which the Duke of Albaine had be­stowed on king Edward, as is afore-said, but king Richard gaue so good words that, while hee liued he held the same. Neuerthelesse before king Henrie the seauenth was fullie setled, the Scottish king layed siedge against it with such egernesse, as that the defendantes dispayring of anie aide in conuenient time out of England, in so turbu­lent a season, gaue it vp, not without suspition (it is sayd) of treason. This Henry hauing for­tunatly subdewed the tirant in the field, and thereby attained the Crowne in the yeare 1485. 1485 fought principallie to establish his estate by [Page 242] alliance and lawes at home, and then by league and amity with his neighbour the Scottish King. By his marriage with the Ladie Elizabeth (the eldest Daughter of king Edward the fourth) the two houses of Lancaster and Yorke, which had for many yeares before contended for the Soueraignty, were gratiously vnited in the issue, that did spring from them two, vpon whom, for the auoyding of all titles and claimes (peramount) in time to come the Crowne of England by generall consent in Parlia­ment of the three estates, was limited and in­tayled, as in that statute at large may appeare. As for the renewing of the league with Scot­land, king Iames was as readie to imbrace peace, as the other was to offer it, hoping thereby more safely to prosecute his long desired reuenge vpon diuerse of the Nobilitie, that had highlie (but I knowe not how worthilie) incurred his displeasure, which thing short­lie after turned to his owne destruction. For hauing vnaduisedlie ioyned battaile with his aduersaries at Bannocksburne, with in two miles of Sterling, hee was finallie put to flight and pursued vnto death. This came to passe in the yeare 1488. 1488 King Henrie at his in­treatie had sent to his aide fiue tall shippes of warre, which with the rest of his expect­ed succours (thorough his owne ouer much hast) came all too late to do him anie seruice.

These Shippes (saieth Buchanan) lying against Dumbar, were set vpon by two Scottish Shippes, conducted by Andrewe Woode, and by force were taken and brought to Leith. But I doubt much of the truth hereof, for, neither is it likely, that the Englishmen would yeelde without some losse of bloud (whereof there is no mention) or that two Scottish shippes could bee able so easilie to subdewe fiue such English, as (no doubte) were especiallie chosen for that seruice, when as not long after (as hee himselfe confesseth) three other indured so long a fight against them. Wherefore I rather thinke, that those fiue shippes were by some stratagē deceaued by the said Andrew: for, how­soeuer afterwards hee was drawne from that side, it was not vnknowne to the Englishmen, that the Scottish King (while hee liued) repo­sed such trust in him; as that he was made Gene­rall ouer his nauie, and consequentlie a per­taker of their owne fortunes, beeing all come thyther to assist the Scottish king. But bee it as it may bee, I must needes commend the young Prince of Scotland, for returning home Bull and his companions without ransome or rebuke, who in the latter conflict with Wood, con­tended more for glory, then vpon hope of gaine to be gotten therby. For the tearme of 7. yeares, from the death of Iames the third, while the truce betweene the two Nations continewed, [Page 244] peace was embraced on both sides. In the meane time it was deuised by the Ladie Margaret, Du­chesse of Burgoigne, who greatly enuied the prosperity of king Henry, onely because he was descended of the Lancastrian family, an ancient enemy to her line, that one Peter Marbecke borne at Tornay of base parentage, but by her trained vp and instructed for that purpose, should take vpon him the person of Richard Duke of Yorke, second Sonne to her brother king Edward the fourth, who togither with his brother were murthered in the Towre, as before I haue sho­wed. This ioylie youth, hauing first assaied, what entertainment hee might finde in Ireland and France, (which fell not out to his liking) transported himselfe at length into Scotland, hoping there, by reason of the want of experi­ence in the young king (Iames the fourth) and the too great forwardnesse of his people to quarrell with England, to finde that Nation more pliable to his designments, which came to passe accordingly. For hauing first priuatlie to the king, and after that in a publique assemblie, made knowne what person he pretended to be, and with all the skill he had, allured both Prince and people to a commiseration of his misfor­tunes: whether it were that they were mooued by an ouer-light beliefe in pitie, or a counter­feit credulity in policie, his complaint so much preuailed with the greater number, that it was [Page 245] held a matter of great reproche, not to ioyne with him in the attaining of the Crowne of Eng­land, where-vnto hee pretended so iust a title. Forth-with king Iames caused him to bee called the Duke of Yorke. And for a further fauour, to giue him the more courage, and his cause the more credit, hee gaue him in mariage the Lady Katherine Gordon, Daughter to Alexander Earle of Huntley, his nigh kinsman, whose beauty better beseemed her birth, then such a Bride-groome. King Iames hauing prepared all things fit for the enterprice, entred into Northumberland, causing proclamation to be made, that he would fauor all those that would submit themselues to this new created Duke, but finding none that would fol­low or acknowledge any such mā, the Scots com­mitted all to the furie of fire and sword. Hereby hauing well neere wasted the whole countrey, they returned home, inriched with many good booties, before an armie could be made ready to incounter them. King Henry being not a little moued, purposed the next spring to be reuenged, but euen as the army was marching towards Scot­land, vnder the conduct of the Lord Daubiney, it was sodenly called backe againe, by occasion of a commotion begun by the Cornish-men, so as for that time the intended iourney was pre­uented.

King Iames hauing his Armie also in readi­nesse, ouer-slipped not the opportunitie, but [Page 246] while king Henry was busied about the suppres­sing of this rebellion in the West parts, hee inuaded his dominions on the North. For de­uiding his Armie, he himselfe with a part there­of besiedged the Castell of Norham, while the rest forrayed the countrie there-about. Richard Fox Bishop of Durham (to whome the Castle appertained,) aduertising king Henry hereof, the Earle of Surrie (that was then in readinesse, vpon any occasion offered to be imployed) was commanded with all speed to relieue the same. His whole armie was little lesse then twentie thousand men, besides the preparation at Sea, whereof the Lord Brooke was Admirall. The Earle was accompanied with diuerse Lords and Gentlemen of the North, amongst whom I finde these following, appointed chiefe Leaders and Commanders, namely;

  • Ralph earle of Westmerland.
  • Thomas Lord Dacres.
  • Ralph Lord Neuille.
  • George Lord Strange.
  • Richard Lord Latimer.
  • George Lord Lumley.
  • Iohn Lord Scroope.
  • Henry Lord Clifford.
  • George Lord Ogle.
  • William Lord Conniers.
  • Thomas Lord Darcie.
  • Thomas Baron of Hilton.
  • Sir William Percie.
  • Sir William Bulmere.
  • Sir William Gascoigne.
  • Sir Ralph Bigod.
  • Sir Ralph Bowes.
  • Sir Thomas Aparrie.
  • Sir Ralph Caldercarre.
  • Sir Iohn Constable.
  • Sir Iohn Ratcliffe.
  • Sir Iohn Sauille.
  • Sir Thom: Stranguisse.

Thus was king Henry set on worke at home, as well by his owne subiects on the one side, as by the Scottes on the other. But hee did so warily foresee all dangers, that he easily preuented the malice of them both. For the Cornishmen were defeited at the battaile of Black-heath-field, and the Scottes at the approach of the Earle gaue ouer the siedge, and returned home as lightly laden as when they came thence. The Armie beeing come by this time within two dayes marche of the enimies, made all the hast that could bee, to haue ouer-taken them, but seeing they would not abide, the Englishmen made what spoile they could within Scotland, where hauing taken their pleasures for the space of sixe or seauen dayes, they returned to Berwicke with-out any shew of resistance, although that at the taking of the Castell of Hayton (it is said) the Scottish Armie was within one mile of the Englishmen.

Thus was king Henrie sufficiently reuenged on the Scottes, that were so ready to take part with Perkin the counterfeit Duke of Yorke, who now had apparently enough shewed him­selfe to the world, as that which followed shortly after shewed. For vpon a treatie of truce betweene the two Nations, vndertaken and effected by Peter Hiolas an Ambassadour of Spaine, king Iames was contented, for the furtherance thereof, to send the other Peter [Page 248] packing out of Scotland, to seeke new intertaine­ment some-where else, where he was not so well knowne. But this aduenturous Gallant once a­gaine attempting to trie some maisteries here in England, was vtterly forsaken of all his adhe­rents, where-vpon for his more safetie, he com­mitted his person first to Sanctuary, and from thence submitted him-selfe to the Kings mercy, who appointed a gard to attend him, from whom escaping, hee was recouered, and committed to the Towre of London, where practising an escape, hee was finally for his seuerall offences executed at Tyburne, as hee well deserued. The poore Lady his vnfortunate wife, being in the meane time taken and presented to the King: his Maiestie tooke such compassion on her pi­tifull estate, that hee gaue order shee should bee carefully conuayed to the Queene his wife, of whome shee was courteouslie intertained, and remained in the English Court a long time after in good estimation.

King Iames well foreseeing what benefit it would be vnto him, if by any good meanes a firme peace and amitie with England, might bee obteined, tooke occasiō now in the time of truce to send for the Bishop of Durham, who was shortly after admitted by king Henry to repaire into Scotland. Beeing come to the kings pre­sence, after much friendly speach, hee made knowne vnto him, his great desire to confirme a [Page 249] perfect peace and vnitie with England, by take­ing to wife the Lady Margaret, eldest Daugh­ter to the king his Maister. The Bishop willing­ly promised his best indeuour to bring the mat­ter to passe, which about three yeares after, was effected accordingly, not-with-standing that in the meane season, Prince Arthur, the kings eldest sonne deceasing, Prince Henry his brother remained onely a barre betweene her and the Crowne. True it is, that this Ladye was affianced, and by proxie contracted to the Scottish king, while Prince Arthur yet liued, about sixe weekes after his marriage with the Lady Katherine of Spaine. Neuer-the-lesse if king Henry had beene disposed (vpon his sonnes death) to haue broken and auoyded the same, it had beene no difficult point for him to haue preuailed so much with the Pope, who not long after dispenced in a matter of greater of­fence, with the marriage (I meane) of king Henry the eight with the said Lady Katherine his brothers wife. It is reported by Morgan, that when the king of Englands Councell began to fore-cast some perill in this match with Scotland, his Maiestie vpon good aduise answered, that al­though that thing should come to passe hereby, which they seemed to stand in doubt of, namely, the intitling of king Iames and his posteritie to the Crowne of England, hee so little distrus­ted, that any inconuenience should insue thereof [Page 250] vnto this realme, as that for his part he thought nothing could happen more gratious to both nations: which by that meane should be vnited and made one Monarchie. And further that Scotland being much inferior in quantitie and qualitie vnto England, should bee therefore re­puted and held but a dependence on it, as Nor­mandie was at the time of the Conquest. And lastlie when that should come to passe, hee that by this mariage should be heire to both king­domes, would in his stile of regalitie preferre England before the other. This was the ninth time, that since the conquest, the Scottish Kings haue married with the English Nation; and for the more part with the bloud royall, from all which some issue hath sprung, two onely excep­ted. For first, Malcolme Cammoire king of Scot­land, married Margaret, sister to Edgar Atheling, whose sonne king Dauid, married Mawde the Daughter and heire of Waltheolfe Earle of Nor­thumberland, whose sonne Prince Henry maried a Daughter of Earle Warham, whose sonne king William, married the Lady Ermangard, the daugh­ter of Richard Vicount Beaumont, who was sonne to a Daughter of William the Conquerour. Alex­ander the second, their sonne, married the Lady Iane, Sister to King Henrie the second, but had no issue by her. Alexander the third his sonne, married Margaret Daughter to King Henry the third, whose posteritie ended in Margaret their [Page 251] grand-child, the heire of Norway. After this, Dauid Bruse (whose great Grand-mother was Daughter to Hugh Bohume Earle of Chester, and wife to Dauid brother to King William of Scot­land) maried Iane, Sister to King Edward the se­cond, but hee dyed with-out issue, where-vpon the crowne of Scotland descended vnto the No­ble and ancient familie of the Stewards, the third king whereof (Iames the first) maried the Lady Iane, Daughter of Iohn Earle of Somerset, which Iames was great Grand-father to this Iames, who now last of all maried the eldest Daughter of this King Henry, from whom Iames the sixt now King is lineally descended in the third degree, both by Father and Mother.

Though in the meane time, none of our Kings haue maried with Scotland, saue onely King Hen­rie the first, whereby the Crowne returned to the Saxon bloud (as hath beene declared) yet diuers of our Nobilitie haue matched in the bloud royall of Scotland. Hereby it appeareth how much that Nation hath alwayes sought to strengthen it selfe, by alliance with England, though France hath of late so much preuailed, that therein it hath beene preferred before vs, but with no very good successe, as the sequell declareth. During the life of King Henry (which was within two months of sixe yeares after this marriage) no occasion of quarrell was offered on either part, but all loue and kindnesse, that [Page 252] might bee desired, passed betweene the two Kings. Neither did king Henry the eight (that succeeded his Father) giue his brother in lawe king Iames, anie iust occasion to breake friend­shippe with him, but it seemeth the same wholy proceeded from the subtile practise of France our ancient enemie, as many times before, that Nation had done the like, for it hath beene euer their policie to sowe dissention betweene Eng­land and Scotland, to the end they might set the king of England on worke at home, fearing hee would otherwise be too busie with them. This Henrie hauing with great felicity raigned neere foure and twenty yeares, leaft behinde him vnto his Sonne king Henrie the eight, so assured and setled a kingdome, and withall such aboundance of treasure, as neuer any of his predecessours did the like before him. He died in the yeare of our redemption 1509. 1509 In the third yeare of this last king Henries raigne, it fell out that Lewis the French king made sharpe warre on Pope Iulius in Ittalie, wherevpon thorough the solicitation of Maximilian the Emperour, and Ferdinand king of Spaine (whose Daughter king Henrie had married, by dispensation from that martiall Prelate) hee was easilie drawne to ioyne with them in the Popes behalfe. King Iames hauing not long before receiued manie fauoures of the French King, and amongst the rest, two shippes fraught with gunnes, speares and all other kinde [Page 253] of munition for warre, (a good preparatiue to the practise following) was thereby made more inclinable to the French faction. And for a fur­ther spurre therevnto, diuerse of his clergie, who had likewise tasted of the liberality of king Lewis, sought all occasiones where-by to prick him forward in that course. This could not be compassed, till such time as they had first aliena­ted him wholie from his former affection to­wards England. To which end the Bishoppe of Murrey (a priuie man of that faction) was sent to King Henrie, now well-nere after nine yeares si­lence, to demand a certaine pretious vestement, and rich attire, which (as was pretended) was gi­uen to the Scottish Queene by her brother Prince Arthur at his death. King Henry distrus­ting some subtilty herein, to the end hee would preuent all occasion of vnkindnesse, answered, that the king his brother should not onely haue at his hands, that which was dewe, but else what­soeuer he desired of him. The Bishoppe with this answere (which was better happelie then he either wished or exspected) returned home. But howsoeuer King Iames regarded the message, this Bishoppe was forth-with sent into France, and after him certaine shippes well appointed for seruice, which not long before had beene prepared (as was giuen out) to transport the king into Siria against the infidelles. This na­uy should haue beene presented vnto the French [Page] Queene for a speciall fauor tow [...]ds her onely, [...]ut the same [...]d so bad success [...]ur the passage, a [...] that neither shee or her husband had any be­nefit by them. In the meane season complaint wa [...] made to king Henry, that two Scottish ships, (to whom king Iames had graunted letters, of mart against the Port [...]galls) had greatlie mo­lested the English Marchants, and other passin­gers along the Coast. For redresse hereof Sir Edmond Howard, Lord Admirall of England, and the Lord Thomas Sonne and heire to the Earle of Surrey, were presentlie sent forth with two shippes of warre, who behaued themselues in [...]uch sort, that within a month after, they [...]ought them both to Black-wall. Andrewe [...]arton Captaine ouer them, died of the hurtes [...] receiued in fight; they that remained aliue w [...]re all pardoned and sent home. King Iames tooke this matter so heynouslie, that wryting thereof to King Henrie, he charged him with breach of the league, wherevnto this answere was returned. That the execution of Iustice vpon pirates (such as his people at sea were) wa [...] neuer held violation of amitie, that hee sho­ [...] fauour enough in pardoning those that es­ [...] [...] danger of fight. Yet for his better sa­ [...] [...] would presently send com­m [...]ts to the bor [...] to treat of this and of oth [...] [...]ders in [...] partes. The Scot [...] [...] the meane season [...] [...]ot [...] in [...]ng [Page 255] the English marches, but still to their losse. For a [...] one conflict two hundred of them were ta­ken prisoners and many more slaine. This blowe so much prouoked King Iames, that refu­sing to commit the deciding of these quarrels to anie Commissioners, he purposed with him­selfe to take reuenge, when oportunity better serued. And therefore when King Henry was passed ouer into France, and had besiedged the towne of Turwin, King Iames sent ouer vnto him Lion king at armes (his principall Herald) with letters of defiance to this effect. First hee complained, that no restitution was yet made, for the damages his subiects had lately su­stayned, both by land and sea. Secondly that bas­tard Heron with his complices (who in the raigne of the King his Father, at a meeting for the execution of iustice, had treacherously slaine Robert Car his warden) were not punished accor­ding to their deserts.

That Andrewe Barton was slaine by his commandement. That his wiues legacy was vn­iustlie detained. And though hee could haue borne all these iniuries, yet he might not in­dure the extreame wrongs offerd by him, to his ancient allies and friends, the French King and the Duke of Gelders, into whose lands and terri­tories he was now entred, not-with-standing he had earnestlie intreated him to the contrarie, [Page] and [...]ll hostile manner prosecuted the destruc­tion of them, th [...] subiects and countries. In consideration of which dealings towardes his owne person, and those P [...]nces so neerely con­ioyned with h [...] in amitie, hee held himselfe bound by duti [...] hi [...] alliance with them to re­li [...]ue their estates by all the good meanes that lay in his powre. And this hee would forth-with put in execution, vn [...]sse he ceased further to molest them. This letter was dated at Eden­brough the sixe and twentith day of Iuly, and sea­led with his owne Signet, where-vnto king Hen­rie made answer as followeth.

Right excellent, high and mightie Prince: we haue receiued your writing, by your Herald Ly­on this bearer, wherein after rehearsall and accu­mulation of many surmised iniuries, greeues, and damages, done by vs and our subiects, to you and yours, the specialties whereof were su­perfluous to rehearse, remembring that to them, and euery of them, reasonable answer, founded vpon lawe and conscience, hath here-to-fore bin made to you and your counsell: Yee not onely require vs to desist from further inuasion and vtter destruction of your brother and cousin the French king, but also certifie vs that you will take part in defence of the same king, vnlesse wee presently yeeld to your request. All which tendeth wholy to the b [...]each of the perpetuall [Page 257] peace passed, concluded, and sworne-vnto by vs both. Howbeit, if neither the loue and dread of God, nighnesse of bloud, honour of the world, lawe nor reason could haue preuailed with you, we suppose you would neuer [...] so farre pro­ceed [...] against vs, especially in our absence. Herein the Pope and al Princes Christened may well note in you dishonorable dealing, in that you haue waited to take the aduantage of mine absence, whereof we neede no other proofe and approbation then your owne letters heretofore sent vs, while we were within our Realme, wher­in you neuer made mention of taking part with our enemy the French King, but passed the time with vs, till after our departure thence. But now happily supposing that we bee destitute of defence against your inuasion (beeing so farre from home) you haue vpon that aduantage vt­tered the old rancoure of your stomake, which you haue hitherto kept secret. Neuerthelesse wee remembring the brittlenesse of your pro­mise; and suspecting (though not wholie belee­uing) so much vnstedfastnesse in you, thought it expedient to put our Realme in redinesse, a­gainst whatsoeuer your interprises, trusting that by the fauour of God and the assistance of our confederates and allies, we shalbe able to main­taine our right, against the malice of you, and your adherentes. And we hope in time con­uenient to remember our friends, and requite [Page] you [...] our enemies, which by such vnna­turall demeanour haue giuen sufficient cause to the disinheriting [...] and your pos­terity for [...] [...]ssibility, that you haue to the [...] which you are now ready to inuade. The [...] lately showed v [...] the King of Nauar, [...] for assisting the French king was set besides his [...]ngdo [...] may be a warning vnto you. Finallie as t [...]ching your request, that I would desist from further attempting against our enemie the French King: wee knowe you are no competent iudge, nor of authoritie to inforce vs therevnto. Where­fore wee purpose (God willing) with the aide and assistance of our confederates and allies to prosecute the warre, we haue hitherto prospe­rouslie proceeded in.

Giuen vnder our signet in our Campe before Tirwin the twelft daie of August.

This letter was deliuered to the Scottish Herald, who immediatlie departed there-with into Flanders there to haue taken shippe for Scotland. But for want of readie passage hee arriued not there, till the King his Maister was slaine in the field. For King Iames with his ar­my hauing pa [...]ed ouer the water of Tweed, the two and twenteth daie of the sayd month of August; lodged th [...] fi [...]st night neere the ri­uer of Tinsell, and the [...]xt daie laied siedge to [Page 259] Norham Castell, which was easilie gotten tho­rough want of loyaltie or discression in him that kept it. King I [...]es hauing taken his plea­sure in those partes [...]or the space of eighteene daies, the Earle of Surrey Li [...]ant Generall in the Kings absence ouer the North-partes of the Realme, had in the meane-time giuen order [...] assemble a power [...]f some six & twenty thou­sand men, and comming to Anwicke the third of September, taried there all the next day, till the whole a [...]y was gathered togither, which by reason of the foulenesse of the waies, could not make such speed as was exspected. The day fol­lowing, his Son the Lord Admirall, which such men of war as had bin with him at the sea, repai­red to his father, to whom he was very welcome because he could neuer haue come to any ser­uice, wherin his helpe was more needeful then at this very time. After some parlaunce by officers at armes and others, by which means the Scottes were politikely drawne to a more indifferent place for battaile, then otherwise they would willingly haue yeelded vnto; at length both ar­mies prepared themselues to encoūter each one the other. King Iames yet keeping the higher ground, diuided his whole armie into fiue bat­tailes, or (after the new phrase) battalions, to the intent the same, wherein he himselfe was placed, might bee inclosed with two winges on either side.

The two on his right hand, were conducted by the Earles of Huntley, C [...]ford, and Montrosse: the two on his leaft, by th [...] Earles of Lenox and Argile: the Lord Hume, ( [...]ord Chamberlaine of Scotland:) a [...] [...]erse other were also appoyn­ [...]d ouer seuerall companies, amongst [...]ome were certaine [...]nchmen, whom King Lewis had sent ouer to trai [...]e the [...]cottes in the feites of armes. There great Ordinance was placed most conueniently, for the annoiance of the aduerse party, but by reason of the hight of th [...] ground, their shot did small hurt to the Englishmen, mar­ching vp towards them.

The Englishmen diuided themselues into as many battailes as were most answerable to their enemies forces. Ouer the vantgard, the Lord Howard was the commander. Sir Edmond his brother, with his charge garded him [...] winge o [...] [...]i [...] right hand. The Earle himselfe le [...]d the middle-ward, and Sir Edmond S [...]anley the reare-ward. The Lord Dacres with a woope of horse- [...]n was se [...] apar [...] by himselfe, [...] suc [...] or where [...] Th [...] Ordinance was [...] to [...], [...]nd in places [...] one and another [...] [...]hought most expedient. Bo [...] the [...] [...]ng h [...]s mar­shall [...]d, Sir E [...]d H [...] [...] his peo­ple [...] of the [...] by the Lord H [...], who wit [...] [...] sp [...] [...]led the other so viol [...]ntly, that had not bastard [...]ron [Page 261] come readily to his succour, Sir Edmund had not escaped death, being well neere left alone of his companie. Hereat the other wing of the Scottes, that was lead by the Earles of Lennox and Argile, tooke such incouragement, that leauing their ensignes behind them, and rushing vpon the Englishmen, without order, they were thereby, well neere all of them (together with the two Earles) beaten downe, by that time the other Scottes were returned from pursuing the English­men, whom they had in chase. These men also, being set vpon a fresh, both before and behind, were likewise well neere all slaine. King Iames who a little before had encountred the Earle of Surrey, perceiuing that the wings of his battaile were thus defeited, and that the Englishmen were now ready to encompasse him about, was no­thing abashed at the sight, but with a cheerefull countenance encouraging those that were about him, and (withall) desperatly rushing into the thickest prease on foote, maintained the fight a­long time, in-so-much that piersing the Earles battaile, the Scottes entred so farre within the same, that they were at point to haue ouer­throwne his Standard. But at length the English­men pressed so sore vpon them, that they ouer­threw. Sir Adam Forman, the Scottish kings Stan­dard-bearer: which the king perceiuing, thought s [...]ely then there was no way for him to escape. W [...]erefore to deliuer him-selfe from such re­proach, [Page 262] as happily he thought would haue beene [...]reathed out vpon him, he cast himselfe the more carelesly into the greatest heate of his enimies fury, and so ended his life in the middest of them. Such was the end of this vnfortunate Prince, in nothing more vnfortunate, then in that hee con­tended with his owne good fortune. For if he had continued constant to king Henry, he might haue liued many yeares in as great felicity, as euer any of his predecessors did before him. Round about him died with the like obstinacie, many of his chiefe Prelates, namely the Archbishop of Saint Andrewes, and two other Bishops, besides foure Abbots, and of Lords and men of speciall note aboue six and thirtie. The whole number of Scots slaine at this battaile, could in all likelyhood, bee no lesse then ten thousand, considering the losse of so many leaders amongst them: and the small number of them that were taken priso­ners; amongst whom there were but two of name, Sir William Scotte Chancelour to the king, and Sir Iohn Forman his Sergiant Porter. A­mongst other peeces of great ordinance taken at this time, there were seauen Culuerings of like sise and making, called the Seauen Sisters. This famous ouerthrow was giuen the Scottes in September in the yeare 1513. 1513 and that within the space of little more then three houres, which happily would haue prooued more bloudie on both sides, had not the night taken vp the quar­rell. [Page 263] Of Englishmen were slaine (as Hall repor­teth) about some fifteene hundred: diuers were taken prisoners by following the Scottes ouer­egerly in the chase, after day-light was done. It was not well knowne on which side the victo­rie was falne, vntill the next morning, for then the Lord Dacres with his troopes of horsemen, being sent abroad to view the behauiour of the Scottes, found they had forsaken their artillarie, and left the field. The Kings body being found, many deepe and deadly wounds appeared on the same, which the Earle of Surrey caused to be im­bowelled and seared, wherewith (hauing set all things in good order) he returned to the Queene of England. In memory of this notable victorie ouer that nation, his family hath hitherto borne in their Scutchions the armes of Scotland for an addition of Honor thervnto, but with what right I know not. Amongst other prodigious signes, immediatly fore-going this bloud-shed, Buchanā recordeth one very memorable, receiued from the report of him that was an eye witnesse there­of, a man of speciall credit with him. This it was: King Iames going to his armie, now ready to set forward, entred into a Chappell that was in his way to heare euen-song (as then it was called): while hee was at his deuotion, an ancient man came in, bare-headed, his golden coloured locks hanging downe vpō his shoulders, his fore-head high, and inclining to baldnesse, his garments of [Page 264] Azure coulour some-what long, girded about him with a Towell or table Napkin, of a comelie and reuerend countenance. Hauing inquired for the king, hee intruded himselfe into the prease, passing thorow till hee came to him: then lea­ning vpon the Kings seate, he thus spake, after a good, plaine, and familier maner. Sir King, I am sent to admonish thee to proceed no further in this thy intended iourney: which aduise if thou doost refuse to follow, it will be worsse for thee and them that attend thee therein. I am fur­ther charged to warne thee, not to vse the ac­quaintance, companie, or counsell of women, for if thou doe otherwise, it will turne to thy losse and dishonour. This being said, hee with-drew him-selfe backe againe into the prease. When seruice was ended, the king inquired earnestly for him, but hee could no where bee found, nei­ther could any of the standers by (of whom di­uerse did narowlie obserue him, meaning after­wards to haue questioned further with him) feele or perceiue how, or when hee passed from them. Queene Margaret, after the death of her husband challenged the protection of the realme, as the king by his last Will and Testament disposed the same, so long as shee continued a widow. Being therein established, first of all she wrote to king Henry her brother, intreating him not onely to cease from pursuing warre further vpon Scot­land (beeing euen then at warre with it selfe) [Page 265] but also to bee a defence vnto her and the infant her sonne (not much aboue a yeare old) against all such, as happily would oppose thēselues against her. Here-vnto King Henry answered, that with the peaceable hee would haue peace, but to the froward & seditious he would be an enemy. Not long after Queene Margaret, hauing maried Ar­chibald Dowglas, (the prime and choise man amongst all the Scotish nobility) the realme began to be deuided into two mighty factions. They of the Dowglassian party would haue the gouernmēt continued in the Queene, because thereby the realme should still haue peace with England, which at that season was a point very necessarily to be respected. The aduerse party (of whom the Lord Hume was the principall man) pretending an ancient custome in that case, importuned the election of Iohn Duke of Albanie, sonne to the former Duke Alexander. This gentleman for the most part had liued before in France, and was wholy deuoted to the seruice of King Francis, who to bind him the faster vnto him, had dealt very honorably with him at his departure into Scotland. Immediatly vpon his arriuall, great dis­sention arose betwixt him and others of the Scot­tish Nobility, but especially the Lord Hume, who (as before I haue touched) was the chiefe meane of his preferment to that place. Queene Margaret much fearing the issue hereof, together with her husband, and some other of that faction, for her [Page 266] more safely repaired into England. During her abode there, she was deliuered at Herbottle, of a Daughter, the Lady Margaret Dowglas, grand-mother to King Iames the sixt, now king by his father, as her brother, King Iames the fift was his grand-father by his mother. So as his Father and Mother, were the children of brother and sister, namely of Iames the fift, and this Lady Margret his halfe sister. But the new Regent the Duke of Albanie, so excused himselfe by Ambassage to the king of England in that point, that within a yeare after, the Queene returned into Scotland, honorably attended, and richly appointed of all things fit for her estate. The Earle Dowglas her husband (who in the meane season had obtained the Regents fauour) receiued her at Berwicke, and from thence did accompanie her home. All quarrels in the meane time being well appeased in Scotland, the Regent passed ouer into France, committing the yong Prince (together with the gouernment of the realme) in his absence to cer­taine of the Nobilitie, but aboue all the rest, hee reposed most trust in a Frenchman named Antho­nie Darcie, Captaine of the Castell of Dunbarre, whom he ioyned in commission with the Scottish Lords, to the end he might giue him intelligence of all their proceedings in his absence. It was this mans hap soone after to be slaine by the Scots, & for more despite, to haue his head stroken off, and set vpon Hume Castell, to the view of all that [Page 267] passed by. This outrage was cōmitted the twelfe of September, in the yeare 1517. 1517 which gaue be­ginning to some new broiles amongst them. Du­ring the absence of the Duke, the Dowglassian faction bare greatest sway, for the continuance whereof, king Henry laboured the French King to keepe the Duke still with him: neuer-the-lesse by reason of some trouble likely to arise betweene France & England, the Regent returned into Scot­land, about fiue yeares after his departure thence, with a purpose to abate the ouer-great powre of the Dowglas. Immediatly herevpō Gawen Dowglas Bishop of Dunkell (a very reuerend man) came in­to England & informed the king, how great an ad­uersary the Regent was to his whole family, and that he alone had taken on him the custody of the yong king, the sequell whereof hee much feared. This Bishop died shortly after at London, & was buried in the Sauoy church. King Henry vpon this complaint, sent Clarentius (king at Armes) into Scotland, to admonish the Duke to auoide the country, according to the Articles agreed vpon the summer before, in the last truce takē with the French king; for the king held it very vnreasona­ble and inconuenient, to admit him sole Gardian ouer the yong Prince, that was next heire after him to the Crowne, least happily by such oppor­tunity he might be tempted to cōmit the like vn­natural cruelty, which some haue done in the like case both in England & Scotlād. That therfore the [Page 268] king his maister (said Clarentius) had great rea­son to prouide for the safty of his nephew, wher­of hee could no way bee better assured, then by keeping him from that place and authority in Scotland. But of all these threats the Regent see­med to make light account. Now began the French king to quarrell againe with king Henry, before the truce was fully expired, where-vpon all the Frenchmen and Scots, that then inhabited in London and other places of the realme, were put to their fines, and a strong Nauie was forth-with sent to the Sea vnder the conduct of Sir William Fitz-Williams Vice-admirall, and seauen other were at the same time sent also against Scotland, the which entring into the Furth, set fire on diuerse Scottish ships, and so returned with their prisoners into England. The same yeare the Lord Rosse and the Lord Dacres of the North, who were appointed to keepe the borders, en­tred also with their forces into Scotland, and burnt the towne of Kelsoe, besides many other villages, ouer-threw sundry holdes and piles of stone, and then returned home with their boo­ties. The Regent being here-with prouoked to reuenge, raised a great powre, where-with ap­proaching the Marches, he fully purposed to in­uade England. But whether it were, that hee thought himselfe ouer-weake, to incounter the English armie, that was comming on apace vnder the conduct of the Earle of Shrewsburie, or that [Page 269] hee stood not well assured of some of his owne company (which was more likely) he was well contented to harken vnto peace, so that a truce was taken for some few monthes, and then with no little staine to his reputation he turned back-againe. In October following, the Duke passed ouer againe into France, promising his fauori­tes, that if a peace were not in the meane time concluded with England, hee would bring the next Sommer such a warlike crewe of Frenchmen and Germanes, as that he should not stand in neede of such of his owne Country­men, as were so backe-ward in his former en­terprice vpon the borders. In the meane sea­son, King Henry thought it no policy to ouer­slip so fit oportunity, because he well percei­ued, that whatsoeuer was outwardly pretended, the Regent meant him no good. So soone therefore as the truce was expired, the warre was renewed to the exceeding great damage of that Nation. For Thomas Earle of Surrey high Admirall of England; the Marquesse Dorset and his brothers with a competent power entring into Scotland, ouerthrewe the Castells of Weder­burne, West Nesgate and Black-acre, burned neere fortie townes and villages, in which manner wasting the Scottish Marches from one side to the other, without any resistance, they retur­ned home with the losse of verie fewe or no men at all, the Scottes onelie shewed them-selues [Page 270] in troopes a far of, watching if they could haue espied any aduantage. This seruice was thus performed the Sommer following, in the yeare 1523. 1523 But the army was no sooner dissolued, but the Scots waiting the opportunity, made conti­newal roades into Northumberland, to the great anoiance of the inhabitants. Wherefore the Earle of Surrey was forth-with sent back againe, who entring into Scotland with some six thou­sand men by the dry marches, cast downe cer­taine Castells, piles and small holdes, til he came thorowe the dales to Iedworth: wherein laie a great garrison of the Scottes, who at the first en­tertained them with a hot skermish, but in the end they were put to flight, and the Town, Cas­tell and Abbaie were taken and spoiled. After three daies abode there, the Earle returned in­to England on the twentith day of September following.

About this time, the Lord Dacres tooke also by force the Castell of Ferniherst. The Duke of Albanie intending now to returne into Scot­land had intelligence giuen him, that all the portes on the Coast of France were watched by the Englishmen, to intrappe him in his pas­sage, wherefore hee bestowed his shippes, so couertly here and there in small companies, to auoide all suspition, of any purpose hee had to stirre that yeare, as that therevpon the English fleete, which had attended and waited his com­ming [Page 271] forth, vntill the middest of August, brake vp and bestowed themselues in conuenient portes against the next spring. The Duke then watching the opportunity, and readily gathe­ring togither his dispersed shippes, to the num­ber of some fiftie saile, imbarked his men of warre, being three thousand pikes, and an hun­dred launces, and about the second equinoc­tiall arriued on the VVest part of Scotland, a­bout the same season that Iedworth was bur­ned by the English, as is a fore-sayd, in whose companie was Richard de la Poole, that had beene banished out of England. Immediatlie after his returne hee assembled the Scottish Lordes at Edenbrugh, declaring to them the great loue the French King bare to them and there Country, that he esteemed their miseries his owne, and would be alwaies readie to assist them against the Englishmen, enemies to them both. That for the present he had brought with him men, money and munition to bee doing withall, so as nothing now wanted but willing mindes and manly corages in themselues. In the ende it was concluded that an army should forth-with be gathered, and the eight and twen­tith day of October next was set downe for their meeting at Dowglas dale.

The Scottes being there assembled, at the day prefixed, the army marched frō thence to Calde­streame vpon Tweed, where conuaying their [Page 272] artillary ouer the water, on the last day of the same month they layed siedge to Warke Castell, which was manfully defended by Sir William Lisle Captaine of the same. The assayliants so well bestirred themselues, that on the first daie they won the vttermost ward, for two daies af­ter they continewed the battery, when hauing made the breach assaultable, they entred by maine force the second ward. The Captaine ha­uing already lost many of his men, and percea­uing it little auailed to defend the walles against the great ordinance, vpon a present resoluti­on issued out with his people that remained a­liue, and with such furie repulsed the enemy, that beating them from the walles, and pursuing them to the water, he slewe a great number, be­sides those that were drowned, and died after­wards of their hurtes; in the whole to the num­ber of three hundred, which for the most part were Frenchmen. The Earle of Surrey com­ming with a great power to rescue this Castell, found the enemie remooued to the further side of the riuer, wherefore hauing no commission to passe the English marches, he staied there. In the meane time the Queene sent into England to entreat her brother the King, to yeeld to an ab­stinence of warre, hoping in that time to worke some good agreement betweene the two Nati­ons, wherevnto the King consenting, the armie brake vp and the Earle returned to the Court. [Page 273] In the beginning of the next Sommer anno. 1524. 1524 The Scottes beganne againe to bee busie both on the East and VVest marches, so as for three monthes sundrie bickrings passed bee­tweene the one and other partie, but still they came by the worse, in so much that in the end they were willing enough to encline to peace: wherevpon truce was taken againe till the feast of Saint Andrewes next. In the meane season great cōsultation was had amongst the Lords of Scotland whether it were more fit to contineue the warre, or to giue it ouer. Many of them held it an vnreasonable thing, that for the pleasure only of the French King, the Realme should sus­taine any more damage, by contineuing so need­lesse a warre, and that the Duke was much to blame in yeelding so farre to the seditious hu­mor of France. Therefore they wished, that the young King (now growne past a Child) might at the least beare some sway in the gouernment of the Realme. The Duke perceiuing how the game went, sawe it little auailed to striue against the streame, and therefore in September follo­wing, taking his leaue of the young King, he pas­sed ouer into France, now the third time since he was made Regent. It is sayd, that at his depar­ture; hee did instantly intreate the Nobility to admit no peace with England till his returne a­gaine, which he promised should be not long af­ter, but in both his desire was vnsatisfied, for he [Page 274] neuer came more into Scotland neither cōtinew­ed the war as he wished. Shortly after the Earle Dowglas, that had beene banished before by the Regent (as I haue said) and had hitherto remai­ned in France, obtained leaue of King Henrie to passe safely thorowe England into his owne Country. This fauor was redily graunted, being one that was alwaies opposite to the French fac­tion. Queene Margaret, now bearing the grea­test sway in Scotland sought by all meanes how to make firme friendship with her brother of England & to breake the necke of the amity with France, which had of late brought so many mise­ries vpon her Sonnes kingdome. Neither did King Henry forget by kind letters and messages, to diuerse of that nation, to second therein his Sisters designements, signifying vnto them that he desired nothing more then perpetuall loue and concord betweene the two Neighbor Nati­ons, which thing as he had euer before wished, yet much more at this time, to the end all men might see how much hee tendred the state of their Reamle, for the young kings sake his Ne­phew. That if they would be perswaded to break of friendship with France, he could finde in his heart to bestow the Lady Mary (his only Child) in marriage vpon their King, whereby the two kingdomes should bee in great possibility to be made one Monarchy, and that by the accesse of England vnto Scotland: which would be the more [Page 275] honor to their nation. That the like emulatiō & malice hath bin heretofore known, betweene the like neighbor countries, which neuerthelesse by mariage, entercourse, trafique, & mutual kindnes hath bin vtterly suppressed & buried in obliui­on. These exceeding kind offers of King Henry, moued much debate, & argument at an assembly of the Scottish Lords amongst thēselues. On the one side it was obiected, that as France was farre remooued by scituation from them, so the peo­ple differed much from the Scottes in the whole course and manner of life. But the Englishmen and they were bred and brought vp vnder one and the same climate, and were so like in there language, lawes, manners, customes, com­plexion, constitution of bodie, and disposition of minde (wherein societie especially consis­teth) that it seemed God and Nature had from the beginning purposed to make them one pe­culier people, as they hade made there seate one soile, by it selfe, seuered from the maine conti­nent. Further by reason of the distance and dan­gerous passage betweene France & them, the one cannot receiue frō the other either much good being friends, or much h [...]rme beeing enemies, whereas out of England either the one or other wilbe alwaies ready at hand, accordingly as the Englishmen ar friends or foes vnto them. For there is no other waie to walke in, betweene France and them, but thorow a dangerous part [Page 276] of the Ocean, which either by furie of tempests may be hindered, or by the enemy fore-stawled and clogged. VVhereof was made good proofe not much aboue a yeare ago, when as the Duke of Albanie was so pend vp in France with the English nauie, that of al one whole Sommer they could receiue no succors from thence, to their exceeding losse and discontentment. Thus much was then alledged in fauour of the league with England, whervnto not a few amongst them were well inclined, though many other, that either li­ued vpon rapine and spoile (which alwaies fol­loweth war,) or that were fed afore-hand by the French king (which course hath euer much pre­uailed with that Nation) obstinatly opposed themselues against this profitable and sound aduise.

But being not able by any show of reason to maintaine their friuolous allegations against the truth, they subtilly brake of this conference, with this caution, that this weighty point could not be resolued without the general consent and ap­probation of the Estates assembled to that end. For they were well assured that the Duke (to whom especially the deciding of this question pertained) would neuer giue consent to shake hands with England, notwithstanding Queene Margaret so labored this point, for the benefit (she knew) would therof come to her Sonne and his kingdom, that in December following shee [Page 277] sent the Lord Gilbert Earle of Cassels, Robert Cockburne Bishop of Dunkeld, and the Abbot of Combuskeneth Ambassadours into England, who comming to the Court on Christmasse eue, the King gaue them audience, to whom the Bishop made an eloquent Oration in Latine, declaring the benefits of peace, and the manifold discom­modities of warre. How happy a thing it were, if by the marriage of their young King with the Lady Mary his Maiesties Daughter, a perpetu­all league and alliance might bee established be­tweene them. The King liked well of this moti­on, so as hee might obtaine his desire in two points. First and especially, that the Scottish No­bility would renounce the league with France: Secondly, that the young king his Nephew, would come and remaine with him in England, till he were of perfect age to marry his Daugh­ter. But because the Ambassadors had not com­mission to proceede so farre, the Earle returned into Scotland, to acquaint the Queene and Coun­cell there-with. The two other remained at Lon­don till his returne thither againe. Here-vpon a Parliament was presently holden at Edenbrough, from whence the Earle of Cassels was present­lie sent againe to the King of England, with a fauourable answer to his two former demands. But because that in the meane season Charles the Emperour renewed his former sute for the ob­taining of the sayd Lady to his wife, the King [Page 278] tooke a pawse therein for the present time, pro­longing the truce with Scotland, for three yeares and a halfe, and then the Ambassadours were all with much courtesie dismissed, about the be­ginning of the yeare 1525. 1525 From hence-for­ward, for the terme of about seauenteene yeares the league was still renued from time to time betweene the two Nations, though now and then the borderers on both sides (thorow the instigation of the Earle Dowglasse, forsaken then of the Queene his wife, and banished the realme againe) made some out-roades one into the others Marches. But all was quietly put vp, and the two kings continued good neigh­bours one to the other.

In the beginning of the yeare 1534. 1534 amongst other proffers of marriage, propounded by Charles the Emperour vnto king Iames (who was desirous to match in his bloud) a motion was made of his cousine Germaine, the Ladye Mary king Henryes Daughter and Heire, who (as before you haue heard) had beene in que­stion, but now for the space well neere of ten yeares had lien dead, and no further dealt in. King Iames answered in such sort, as there-by it seemed that hee had a good will to hearken vnto it.

This Lady (that was afterward Queene of England) was once in speach (as is before decla­red) to haue beene marryed to the Emperour [Page 279] himselfe: after that to Francis the French king. But these motions were rather made (I take it) in policie, then proceeding of any such mean­ing in eyther of those Princes, neyther hap­pilye had the King her Father any such pur­pose, thinking her a fitter matche for his Ne­phew of Scotland, then for eyther of them. For in the latter end of this yeare, the King sent thither the Bishop of Saint Dauies, and the Lord William Howard, brother to the Duke of Norffolke, to intreate king Iames to appoint some time, when the King their Maister and hee might meete together, to conferre of mat­ters of great importance, tending much to the benefit of both the Realmes. Further to tell him, that it might come to passe (if all things else sorted to his liking) hee should espouse the Lady Mary his eldest Daughter (for his other Daughter the Lady Elizabeth after her sister Queene of England also was borne aboue a yeare before,) and with-all to make him there­by the Monarch ouer the whole Island, if hee dyed with-out issue male.

And to the end hee should giue the more trust and credit to these his promises, hee said more-ouer, that hee would forth-with inti­tle him Duke of Yorke, and his Vicar Gene­rall ouer the whole realme of England. King Iames (as he had great reason so to do) intertained these offers with great thankfulnesse, appointing [Page 280] a time, when he would meete the King his Vncle, and so with many courtisies dismissed the Am­bassadors. All this notwithstanding, he was so ex­ceedingly laboured by his Prelates, that they drew him quite from that resolution, vpon this occasion. A little before this Ambassage, King Henry had sent the foresaid Bishop into Scotland with certaine English pamphlets, concerning re­formation of religion: which being presented vnto his nephew, with request that he would ad­uisedly read them ouer, hee gaue them presently to some about him to keepe, that were especiall fauorers of the Clergie, and the religion of those times, who had scantly turned ouer the first leafe, but with open mouth they condemned those bookes, for most impious & hereticall libels, tel­ling the king, they were glad from their hearts, that he had not stained his eies with the very view of such pestiferous and damnable doctrine. And for an infallible proofe of this their censure vp­on those bookes, it fell out about the same time, that the Pope had sent a messenger into Scotland, requiring king Iames to ioyne with him against the king of England, whom hee had already ad­iudged an Heretike, a Scismaticke, and a wed­lock-breaker, for hee and Queene Katherine, some-times his Brothers wife, for the vnlaw­fulnesse thereof, were then lawfully parted. And further this Nuncio declared, that for these heynous offences, the Pope had depriued [Page 280] him of his kingdome, which he bestowed (for in such cases hee hath beene alwaies very liberall) vnto Iames and other popish Princes his obedi­ent sonnes. Thus by the subtile practise of the Priests, who to vphold their reputation in the world, still buzzed in their kings eares, that his Vncle sought nothing more by this his desired conference with him, but to withdraw him from the profession of that ancient and Catholique religion, wherein their Fathers and fore-elders had liued so many hundred yeares together, in great happinesse and felicitie, and withall being of him-selfe religiously giuen, according to the knowledge of those ignorant times, hee was the more easilie disswaded from this promised mee­ting. Though King Henry had cause to take this part vnkindly at the others hands, neuer-the-lesse hee was contented to put it vp, imputing the fault to them especially, that eyther of igno­rance, or vpon respect of their perticuler good, neglected the benefit that might haue followed heereof vnto the weale publique of the whole Iland.

King Henry to shew how little hee was moo­ued with this manner of dealing, bestowed on his Nephew the yeare following the Garter, and according to the ceremonies thereto be­longing, he was installed at Windsor by his pro­curator the Lord Erskin. Within the compasse of the other seauen yeares remaining of my [Page 282] former account, king Iames had marryed two wiues out of France. The former was the Lady Magdaline, eldest Daughter to king Francis, with whom hauing beene maried halfe a yeare, shee deceased, within little more then a moneth after her arriuall in Scotland. The second, was Daugh­ter to the Duke of Guise, and widdow to the Duke of Longeuille lately deceased. Within a yeare after this latter mariage, Queene Marga­ret (his mother) departed this life, hauing first seene a young Prince (her grand-child) borne into the world, but neither hee, nor a se­cond sonne, liued to succeed their father in the kingdome. King Henry knowing how much his Nephew was continually wrought, to breake off friendship with him, or at the least to vse the same for his owne aduantage onely, was much affraide that happily hee might at length bee se­duced, and therefore was very desirous to haue conference with him, and to establish the league that hitherto had continued betweene them. To this end he once againe sent into Scotland, to entreate him to meete him at Yorke, where hee would communicate such matter with him, as tended greatly to the good of both realmes. This message thus deliuered by the Lord Tho­mas Howard, King Iames and diuerse of his No­bilitie, seemed willing enough to yeeld their consents to this iourney. But contrariwise the Prelates mightily opposed them-selues against [Page 283] it. Amongst other things, they alleadged that King Henry went about (which touched their free hold) to perswade their King to take that course in Scotland, which hee had done at home in his owne kingdome: namely, to expell the Pope, to vsurpe his authoritie ouer the Church, to dissolue religious houses, and to seize vpon their lands and reuenues. But rather then hee should bee drawne to vse any such vnlawfull meanes, where-with to supplye his present wants, they freely offered to giue him yearely, out of their owne reuenues, thirtie thousand Crownes: and if that would not serue his turne, they would vnder-take to aduantage him an hun­dred thousand more yearely, out of the lands and possessions of them, that were already falne from their due obedience to the sea of Rome. These faire promises preuailed so much with King Iames, that this meeting was also auoyded. But with-all an Ambassadour was immediatly sent into England, as well to excuse the King, as to require that Commissioners might bee appointed of either partie, to meete for the or­dering of some controuersies then depending betweene the two Nations, which was gran­ted, and performed accordingly on King Hen­ries part. Neuer-the-lesse, when after sundry iniuries still offered by the Scottes, the King of England had once or twice yeelded to all rea­sonable conditions, and yet not-with-standing, [Page 283] perceiued how little from time to time they were regarded: at the length, being not able to indure so many indignities, he resolued to end all controuersies by open warre. But first, to the end it might appeare to the world, how vnwillingly he was prouoked vnto it: before hee would take armes against his neere kinsman, hee caused a pamphlet to bee published in Print, declaring what mooued, or rather compelled him there­vnto; wherein hee charged King Iames especi­ally with deepe dissimulation, his words tasting of Honey, but his deeds of Worme-wood. Af­ter a serious complaint whereof, he descendeth, or rather ascendeth to a supposed title of Supe­rioritie, continued in a lineall succession of the Kings of England, ouer that nation from Edward the first (sonne to Alured king of England) for aboue sixe hundred yeares together, but hereof I haue spoken enough before. This done, a Na­uie was sent to the Sea, to take all such Scottish ships as fell into their walke, of which they brought into the Portes of England eight and twentie, fraught with many good commo­dities.

The Scottish King here-vpon sent into Eng­land, to demand restitution, seeing no warre was as yet proclaimed. But king Henry answered, that hee had no reason to yeeld there-vnto, till such time, as recompence was made for the harme his subiects had sustained on the borders. [Page 284] In the meane season he had also prepared an ar­my of some twenty thousand men, and commit­ted the same to the conduct of the Duke of Nor­folke, accōpanied with the Earles of Shrewsbery, Darby, Cumberland, Surrey, Hertford, Angus, Rut­land, and diuerse other Lords and Gentlemen of the North. King Iames hauing knowledge of this preparation entreated to haue all differences and complaints on both sides put to order, and so taken vp.

VVherevpon the King caused his army to stay about Yorke, appointing the Duke, the Lord priuy seale, and others, to enter into confe­rence with the Scottish Ambassodours, and if pos­siblie they could to end all controuersies, wher­by to auoide the effusion of much bloud. But when the Commissioners for England, perceiued that the Scottes sought onely to detract time, whereby to put of the warre for that yeare (win­ter now approaching) they breake of the treaty, and hauing assembled the whole armie, there-with entred into Scotland the twentith day of October in the yeare 1542. 1542 During there abode there, diuerse townes and villages were burned and spoiled, and hauing continued that course, as long as their victualls held out, the armie returned to Berwicke the nine and twentith daie of the same month, without resistance or show of enemie, although King Iames had then in readinesse (as it is sayd) an armie of thirtie [Page 286] thousand men, incamped at Fallamure, but foure­teene miles within Scotland. But whether it was, that they waited some aduantage, or that the Scottish Nobility were not so forward (which is pretended) as their King would haue had them, nothing was attempted against Eng­land, vntill the foure and twentith day of No­uember following, by which time the Duke was well on his way towards London. For then king Iames went him selfe vnto the VVest. marches of Scotland, where he appointed the Lord Maxwell his warden, togither with the Earles of Cassels and Glencorne, and certaine other Lords there with him to inuade England on that side. This army consisting of fifteene thousand men passed ouer the water of Eske, and burnt certaine hou­ses of the Greues on the verie border. Herevp­on Thomas bastard Dacres, and Iacke of Musgraue, with an hundred light horses made towards the enemie, hauing a while before sent to Sir Tho­mas Wharton (Lord warden of those Marches,) to make all the hast hee could after them. By that time these two valiant Captaines had be­gun the skirmish, the Lord Wharton with some three hundred horse more, were come within viewe of the Scottish host, who supposing that the Duke, or some other of the English Lords was turned backe againe with the whole armie, (otherwise they imagined those few would ne­uer haue aduentured so desperatly to set vpon [Page 287] them) were with the suddenesse of this vnex­pected flight put into such a Panick feare, that forth-with committing themselues to flight, as fast as their legges could carrie them, or their horses vnder them, they were pursued and taken, without any resistance. Amongst whom these following were the principal men. The Earles of Cassels and Glencorne, the Lord Maxwel, the Lord Flemming, the Lo. Sommerwel, the Lord Oliphant, the Lord Gray, Sir Oliuer Sinclere the kings mini­on, Iohn Rosse of Gragie, Robert Aesken Sonne to the Lord Aesken, the Lord Maxwells two bro­thers, and aboue two hundred men of name more. Of the common souliers not so few as eight hundred, so as some one Englishman had three or foure prisoners to his share. The Scottes lost at this blowe without anie bloud-shed on either partie, twentie peeces of Ordi­nance, foure Cart-loades of speares, and tenne pauilions. Thus wee see, that the King of Hea­uen and Earth can, and will daunt, the corrage of man, when it seemeth good vnto him, to the end we should acknowledge him to be the only giuer of all victory. The Scottish writers attribute the bad successe of their armie at this meeting, to the vnaduised course, which King Iames tooke in appointing a meane Gentleman (Sir Oliuer Sin­clere) his Lieutenant grnerall ouer the same. For, vpon the hearing of the Kings Com­mission openlie reade, the whole armie was [Page] so [...]ch of [...]ended [...]d [...]ro [...]led thereat, that it [...]oght [...] confusion amongst them: which beeing obserued of the Englishmen though they were but a handfull in compari­son of the enemies power yet they were there-with so much incoraged that they aduentured manfully vpon them and put them al thereby to flight. This discomfeiture chaunced vnto the Scottes at Solloway Mosse, in the latter end of No­ue [...]ber following, and was the most admirable [...]ictory, that euer was had ouer them, to bee wholy referred to the immediat hand of God, howsoeuer they would excuse it. King Iames be­ing now at Garlan [...]rocke vpon the borders, was [...]ruelously perplexed a [...] t [...] [...]ewes herof, in so much as being ouer-come with an extreame ma­l [...]ncholy passion, he neuer after held vp his head, but still languished till death had fully seized vp­on him, on the twentith day of December fol­lowing. In the meane season, one and twenty of the chiefe prisoners were conuaied to London; & committed to the Towre the 19. day of the same month, where hauing [...]om [...]ined two daies, they were carried thorow the streets to Westminster, two and two togither in a [...]anck. Eight of them being Noblemen, were apparelled at the Kings charge, with new gownes of black damask, furd with black [...]ie [...]o [...]tes of black [...]el [...]e [...], and dub­lets of satte [...], & else whatso [...]uer belonged ther­to. Then they w [...]re brought before the Counsel, [Page 289] sitting at the Star-chamber, where the Lord Chancellour rebuked them openly for their mis­demeanour towards the King and Realme, de­claring that his Maiesty had good cause to make warre vpon them. First for their dissimulation in all their treaties of peace. Then for keeping his subiects in durance without redemption, contrary to the ancient lawes of the Marches. And lastly for inuading his dominions without open defiance, or iust cause giuen on his Ma­iesties part. Neuerthelesse that his Maiestie more regarding his honour, then his Royall power, was contented to render good for euill, and curtisie for vnkindnesse. For whereas hee might by lawe of armes (as they knewe well enough) shut them vp in close prison, hee was contented that they should bee committed to the custodie of the Nobles of his land, that were thought meet to take that charge vpon them, according to their owne seuerall estates and degrees. Then beeing dismissed thence, they were forth-with bestowed with one Noble man or other accordingly, of whom they had such curtious intertainment, as that they themselues confessed, they neuer liued more pleasantly at a­ny time before. On the twentith of December newes was brought to the Court of the Scottish Kings death. King Henry and his Counsell con­ceiuing herevpon, that a good meane was offred whereby without warre the two Realmes might [Page 290] be vnited, intimated their meaning to the Scot­tish Lords, who seeming very willing therein to gratifie the King, were brought to the Court in Christ-masse holie daies, where they were lodged, feasted, and entertained most louingly. There (as of themselues) they motioned a mari­age betweene Prince Edward the Kings Sonne now little more then fiue yeares olde, and their young Queene, that was borne some fiue or sixe daies before the death of the King her Fa­ther, promising withall to do there best to bring the same to passe. King Henrie gaue them great thankes for their forwardnesse therein, and was not onelie contented to set them freelie at liber­tie, but also bestowed large presentes on euery man according to his degree. On New-yeares daie they departed from London home-wardes, and dined at Enfield, where they sawe the young Prince, of whome they seemed greatlie to reioyce both in speach and countinance. From thence they kept on their iorney, till they came into the North-partes, where the Duke of Suffolke (the Kings Lieutenant) staied for their comming, with whome they remained till such pledges were come out of Scotland as was before couenanted they should leaue behind them. VVith them went also the Earle of Angus, who togither with his brother Sir George Dowglas, had allowance for their main­tenance of King Henrie, while they remained [Page 291] in England, after their exile, the space of fife­teene yeares. The Scottish King, while hee li­ued had labored the deliuerance of the Earle who now vpon his returne home was made one of the priuie Counsell, amongst other of the Lordes that had beene lately prisoners here; by the Earle of Araine, Gouernour of the young Queene and of the Realme, and next heire to the Crowne, according to the custome of that Countrie. Shortly after Sir Robert Bowes and some other English prisoners were deliuered by their bandes, after the manner of the Marches.

In March following, Sir Ralfe Sadler, (who died a graue Coūsellor in the raigne of Queene Elizabeth) being sent Ambassadour into Scotland came thither some-what before the Parliament. His errand was to perswade the Gouernor to giue his consent with the other Lords, to the mariage propounded lately by them, and that withall a firme peace might be concluded vpon betweene the two Nations. These pointes were long debated, but in conclusion (after that Da­uid Beaton Cardinall and Archbishop of [...]nt Andrewes, the French factor, was remo [...]ed from the assemblie) generallie yeelded [...]nto and confirmed. And further pleadges were promised to be sent into England for the better assurance thereof.

The Ambassador staying still behind to see [Page] euerie thing performed, according to promise, on the behalfe of the Scottish Lordes, the Earle of Glencorne, Sir George Dowglas, Sir William Hamiltone, Sir Iames Leirmonth and the Secre­tarie were sent into England, as well to con­firme, as to report what had beene established by act of Parliament, concerning the marriage intended with England. These men remained here from the ende of March till the ende of Iulie following: in which time the marriage be­tweene Prince Edward of England and the infant of Scotland was fullie confirmed, by wrytings enterchangablie signed and sealed, and a peace concluded, for ten yeares. These things thus passed in the yeare of Lord 1543. 1543 The Scot­tish Marchantes were not a little glad (after their long restraint) of their free libertie of trafique, wherevpon they presently dispatched their shippes to the sea, so as in short time neuer a port well-neere in England was without some of them, to the exceeding great ioye of both Realmes. But this calme lasted not long, for now beganne France after their olde fashion, to [...]rre vp certaine seditious and dispightfull sp [...]ts, which like vnto the curssed spirits of th [...] [...]yre breathed out tempestious and boiste­rous blastes, where-with to darken and disturbe the former Sun-shine and quiet season. For before the yeares ende, thorough the practize of the Cardinall, Iohn Hamiltone, brother [Page 293] to the Gouernour, and Dauid Paynter, which two last (men of most dissolute conuersation) came lately out of France for that purpose the Scottes were so wonderfully wrought, that both the Gouernour himselfe and all they that had so lately before vowed themselues and there ser­uice to King Henry were now againe become wholy French, for these reasons. First by this mariage, it would come to passe (as they obiect­ted that the Scottish Nobolity should grow into contempt being far inferiour in wealth and pos­sessions to the Lords of England and further re­moued by habitation from the Kings presence, who (no doubt) would make the most firtill and commdious part of England Southwards the place of his residence ordinarily. But that which more nearely touched them, was the eminent daunger, wherein to Religion would be thereby brought, the preseruation whereof they were bound to prefer before either lands or liues, that the state whereinto England was persently falne, might be a sufficient warning vnto them, who already were but ouer much inclined that way (for about that time the Gouener had incora­ged Frier Guillan, openly to preach against Im­mages and foolish ceremonies, giuing liberty that who would might reade the bible in Eng­lish which about three yeares before was open­ly read in very Church in England and was the very bane and breake necke of Popery, thorowe [Page 294] out the whole Iland. As for their promisse made to King Henry, they were persuaded, ther was no cause why they should sticke at that, seeing it was lately decreed in the Counsell of Constance, that no couenant or promise how constantly so­euer made, ought to bee kept with an heretike, such as the Pope had already iudged him to bee. The Earle of Casseles onely continued constant, though he was attempted both by faire meanes and foule to the contrary, for hee hauing two brothers his pleadges in England, protested, that he would neuer redeeme ether his liberty or life with the losse of them: wherefore at his returne into England the King much commended the young gentlemans resolution, and in acquitall therfore set both him & his brothers at liberty, King Henry could not brooke this manner of dealing, but resoluing to be fully reuenged, he first caused all the shippes of Scotland (whereof there were good store) to be presently staid till his pleasure was further knowne: then procla­ming open war, he forthwith made preparation to inuade Scotland by land and sea. The Queene Mother, the regent, and the Cardinall, beeing all like affected, solicited King Francis to mini­ster aide against England. But the monie that that was thereupon sent them, and deliuered to the Earle of Lenox to bee imployed to that end, was by him detayned, by reason of some iarres then amongst them-selues, which brought him [Page 295] out of fauour with the French King, who be­fore had vsed him, as a speciall instrument on his side.

King Henry in the meane season, hauing not beene slow in his businesse, thought good neuer-the-lesse, to make triall whether vpon better aduisements the Scottes would yeelde to some reasonable conditions: wherefore he sent his letters to Edenbrough, fraught with many iust complaints, and bitter threats, but all pre­uailed not: wher-vpon proceeding in his former courfe, and hauing furnished his Nauie with all things needfull, he committed the charge therof to the Earle of Hertford, Sir Iohn Dudley, Lord Lisle high Admirall of England, and the Earle of Shrewsbury, accompanied with the Lord Cobham, Clinton, Coniers, Sturton, the Lord William Howard, with many valiant Knights and Gentlemen. The whole Nauy consisted of two hundred shippes, and in them some ten thousand men of warre. Loasing from New-Castell, and entring the Scottish Sea betweene the two Ilands the Basse and the Maye. The next day they passed vp the Firthe (being the fourth of Maye) landing the whole Armie at New-hauen, two miles aboue Leith.

The Lord Admirall lead the fore-ward, the Lord Lieutenant the maine battaile, & the Earle of Shrewesburie the rere-ward. The Lord Gouer­nor being then at Edenbrough, accompaned with [Page] the Cardinal, the Earle of Huntley, Arguile, Both­wel, and others, with some sixe thousand horse­men and footemen, purposed to inpeach their passage. At the first they made showe to set vpō the vantgard, but being assayled by fiue hundred harquebutters, and shroudly galled, after a light skirmish they made a sodaine retraite but with such speed as they leaft their artillary behind them, The Scottes returned to Edenbrugh, and the Englishmen kept their course to Lieth: entring the towne without any great resistance, they lodged therein that night to their best aduantage. The next day they landed their victuals and great ar­tillary. Hither the Lord Gouerner sent Adam Otterburne prouost of Edenbrugh, with two of the baylifes, to know of the Earle of Hertford the cause of his coming offering that what wrong soeuer the Engleshmen had receaued of them, should be satisfied to their full contentment and that vpon those tearmes he would gladly re­ceaue him into the towne. The Earle answered that he had no commission to treat of peace, but he was sent thither to take reuenge on those, that had falsified their faith vnto the King his maister, and therefore purposed to visit there towne in such manner, as happily they would nor like of, and soche bad him tel the Gouerner. Vpon the returne of this answere the Gouer­nour taking order for the defence of the Castell, departed immediately to Sterling. The sixt of [Page 297] May, the army marched towards Edenbrugh, at the approch whereof the Prouost (accompanied with one or two Burgesses and some officers of armes) desired to speake with the lieutenant: being brought to his presence, he offered vnto him the keies of the towne on condition that the inhabitants might safely passe out with bag and bagage, & the buildings preserued from fire. Answere was made, that he was sent thither to take reueng (as before) and therfore vnlesse they would yeeld vp the towne simply without con­ditiō, & cause Men, Women & Childrē to issue forth into the fields, & submit themselues to his will & pleasure, he would proceed against them with all extremity. The Prouost replied, that they would rather stand to their defence, & so depar­ted. The Englishmen comming to the Cow-gate beat it open with their great ordinance, entred and slewe diuerse that made resistance: forth-with the great ordinance was drawn vp the high street within reach of the shot from the Castell, so as a culluering was dismounted, and the Eng­lish forced to retire, not with out some losse of men, night drawing on, they departed to there camp at Leith, for three dayes following they continewed firing the towne, and consumed a great part there-of. In the meane season foure thousand light horse-men were brought by land (as was appointed) from the Borders by the Lord Eeuers, who ioyning with the armie at [Page 298] Leith did such exploits, that well neere they left neither pile, village, nor house vnburned with­in seuen miles of Edenbrough, besides the spoile, pillage, and droues of Cattell, that was euery daye brought to the Campe. Hauing thus wrought their wills there-about, they shipped their Artillarie and booties, carried away such ships as they found in the Hauen, of which the principall were the Salamander (giuen by the French King at the mariage of his Daughter) and the other (called the Vnicorne) made by the last king. These two were ballanced with Cannon shot, which was found in the towne, to the num­ber of foure-score thousand peeces: the rest, as well Scottish as English, for the more part were loden with the spoile and booties belonging to the common souldiers and mariners. On the fif­teenth day of this month, both the army by land, and the fleet, departed from Lieth in one houre, leauing the towne on fire, which was burned to the ground. The armie returning home-wards encamped that night at Seaton, seauen miles from Lieth, where they burned the Castell, and (for more dispight) destroyed the gardens and Orchards, because the Lord Seaton (owner of the same) had beene the Cardinals best friend, when hee was in prison. The next night they incamped besides Dunbar, where they had an a­larme giuen them. In the morning they burned the towne, and marching forwards, they were [Page 299] somewhat staied in the way by reason of a grose foggie mist; and a report that the Lord Seaton and the Lord Hume, had assembled a powre, where-with to empeach their passage at a strait called the Pease. But when the day cleared about two of the clocke in the after-noone, the armie setting forward, passed the straite without shew of enemie, that would not abide their comming. That night the armie lodged at Rantton 8. miles from the borders, from whence the next day (be­ing the 28. of May) they came to Berwick, hauing lost in all this iorney not aboue forty persons, for which happy successe they rendred thanks to almighty God the giuer of all victorie. The names of the chiefe townes, castels & buildings burned and ouer-throwne in this voyage, are as followeth

  • Edenbrough the Abbay and the Kings housc.
  • Cragmiller and Castell.
  • Preston and the Castell.
  • Sengclers Castell.
  • Lawresson & the Grange.
  • Markley.
  • Wester-grange.
  • Enderliegh.
  • Broughton.
  • Chester-field.
  • Craton-end.
  • Dudistone.
  • Skam house.
  • The Ficket.
  • Beuerton.
  • Tranent.
  • Shenstone.
  • Saint Minees.
  • Petinwames part.
  • Lieth, the Hauen & Pile.
  • New Bottle Abbay.
  • Musselbrough some part.
  • Hadington Frieries.
  • Dumbar.
  • Drilawe.
  • [Page 300]Trapren.
  • Kirkland hill.
  • Hatherwike.
  • Belton.
  • East Barnes.
  • Bowcland.
  • Butlerden.
  • Quickwood.
  • Blackburne.
  • Ranton.
  • Bildie,
  • All Knikorne.
  • The Queenes Ferrie.
  • The brent Iland.

The fiue lowest were burned by the fleet at sea, for while the armie lay at Leethe, the ships were not idle, but scouring the riuer vp and downe on both sides, well neere as high as Sterling, a­boue fiftie miles from the maine sea, they made what spoile they could of what-so-euer fell in their way: while the Earle lay at Leethe he made these knights, whose names follow.

  • The Lord Clinton.
  • The Lord Coniers.
  • Sir William Wroughton.
  • Sir Thomas Holcroft.
  • Sir Edward Dorrell.
  • Sir Iohn Luttrell.
  • Sir Iohn Ienins.
  • Sir Thomas Waterton.
  • Sir Charles Howard.
  • Sir George Blant.
  • Sir Peter Mewtas.
  • Sir Edward Warner.
  • Sir Ralfe [...]ulmer.
  • Sir Hugh Cholmeley.
  • Sir Thomas Lee.
  • Sir Richard Leigh.
  • Sir Iohn Leigh.
  • Sir Lawrence Smith.
  • Sir William Vauasour.
  • Sir Richard Shirburne.
  • Sir Robert Stapleton.
  • Sir Thomas Holt.
  • Sir William Dauenport.
  • Sir Ralphe Leycester.
  • Sir Humfrey Bradborne.
  • Sir Thomas Maliuerie.
  • Sir Francis Hothome.
  • Sir Iohn Massie.
  • Sir Leonard Beckwith.
  • Sir Thomas Cokanie.
  • [Page 301]Sir Peter Freshwell.
  • Sir Richard Egerton.
  • Sir Anthonie Neuille.
  • Sir Iohn Neuille.
  • Sir William Radcliffe.
  • Sir George Bowes.
  • Sir Vrian Breretone.
  • Sir William Breretone.
  • Sir Roger Breretone.
  • Sir Edward Warren.
  • Sir Brian Leytone.
  • Sir Robert Worseley.
  • Sir Thomas Talbot.
  • Sir Hugh Caluerley.
  • Sir Iohn Clere.
  • Sir Richard Holland.
  • Sir Thomas Venables.
  • Sir Iohn Connestable.
  • Sir Edmund Trafford.
  • Sir Iohn Athertone.
  • Sir Richard Cholmeley.
  • Sir Philip Egerton.
  • Sir Hugh Willobie.
  • Sir Thomas Connestable.
  • Sir William Woodhouse.
  • Sir Edmund Sauage.
  • Sir Thomas Gerard.

11. May. 1544. 1544

Mathew Earle of Lennox, being now wrought out of fauour with the French king, by the prac­tise of the Queene Mother and the Cardinall, thought Scotland no safe place for him, & there­fore to make himselfe the more able to resist the malice of his enimies at home, he made meanes to be entertained of the King of England. Taking therfore the sea, with some other Noblemen of his country, he arriued at Westchester about Mid­sōmer folowing. From thence (hauing first made his way to the King) he repaired to the Court, where being well entertained, he maried shortly after the Lady Margaret Dowglas, daughter and heire to the Earle of Angus by Queene Marga­ret of Scotland king Henries sister, who thervpon [Page 302] endowed his Neece with an estate of inheritāce of certaine lands, to the yearly valewe of seauen­teene hundred markes, of rent of assisse which to this day are called Lennox Lands. From this coople descended two sonnes. Henry Steward Lord Dernley (the eldest) was Father to Iames the sixt that now reigneth. Mathew the other Bro­ther married Elizabeth Candish, Daughter to the Countesse of Shrewsbury (the most famous buil­der (of a woman) in the world; by whom he had onely issue the Lady Arbella, (a beautifull plant) trayned vp (as I heare) by the Countesse her grand-mother, in all commendable qualities, and exercises of vertue and piety. King Iames, in regard of his iust title and claime to these lands, receiueth of the Queenes maiesty that now is an yearely pension. The Earle of Lennox being desirous to show his good will to do the King some acceptable seruice, obtayning cer­taine bands of Englishmen entred into Scotland but he found not that constancy in his Country­men that he expected, and therefore was infor­ced to returne without atchieuing his principal purpose; though his labour was not all-togither lost, for he raised and tooke diuerse Castells, as that in the Ile of Arraine belonging to the Go­uernor, & the Castell of Rossey in the Ile of Bute, from whence the royall family of the Stewards (Kings of Scotland, now for the space of two hū ­dred and thirty yeares) tooke their beginning. [Page 303] Though King Henry at this time also maintay­ned sharpe war with France, neuerthelesse hee ceased not to take the oportunity offred him, thorow the ciuill dissention amongst the Scotish Nobility, making continual roads & forreis in­to their Countries. About the midst of Februa­ry following, Sir Ralph Eeuers, Lord warden of the middle Marches entred Scotland with foure thousand English, Irish, & assured Scots, passing to Iedworth without any resistance. He vnderstood there, that the gouerner with the Earle of An­gus were lately come to the Abbay Melrosse, a­bout 8. miles distant frō thence, purposing ther­to attēd the repaire of their forces, hastning the­therward. Sir Ralph therefore (about mid night) marching from thence, hoped vpon the sudden to take them at some great aduantage, beeing as yet ouer fewe to make resistance. But the Scottes hauing knowledge by their Espialls, of his ap­proach, (though some-what to late) forsooke their lodgings, before they had good wills to a­rise, & leauing bag & baggage behind thē, in all hast they withdrew thēselues to the next moun­taines, frō thence to obserue the behauior of the English, who finding the place abandoned, tooke the spoile of al they foūd in the towne & Abbay, vtterly defacing the Monumēts of th' Douglasses, greatly to the displeasure of the Earle of Angus & his linage, and so returned back towards Ied­worth: by this time the nūber of the Scots was wel [Page 304] increased, by the repaire of Norman Lisle, Sonne to the Earle of Rothsey (a young Gentleman of good expectation) and of Walter Scot with such troopes as accompanied thē thither, in so much as the Gouerner was encoraged to giue the Englishmen battaile before they should reach Iedworth, but because they trusted not altogi­ther to their strength, it was deuised, that the maine battaile of the Scottes should lie closely in a vallie, to receiue the Englishmen at vnawares, which tooke effect accordingly. For the Scottes sending all their horses with their keepers, and those that might best be spared, to the top of the hil, vnder which they were embattailed, the Eng­lishmen were trained within their danger, which beeing perceiued by these Scots that came on their side, (who were some 7. or 8. hundred) they presently fel of and ioyned with the enemy. The Englishmen neuerthelesse stuck to it, till a great number of thē were slaine, the rest beeing ouer­weried with that daies and the last nights tra­uell, betooke themselues to flight. The middle battaile seeing their fellowes thus discomfeited, they also turned and brake into the reereward in such confused manner, as thereby the whole army was put out of order, no man knowing whom to follow for his Captaine. The Scottes in the meane time taking the aduantage of the winde and the Sunne, were vpon them before they could well discerne what they were. In [Page 305] this confusion, euery man sought to saue him­selfe, whereof insued a great slaughter with ve­ry small losse on the other side. Besids Sir Rafe Euers, the Lord of Ogle and Sir Brian Layton, who were chiefe Commanders, diuers other gentlemen were slaine, in the whole number of two hundred, a thousand were taken prisoners well nere, of whom some foure score were men of qualitie and speciall note. Though the be­nefit of this victory fell to the Gouernor, the glory thereof redownded to the Dowglasses. King Henry was much greeued for the gentle­man Sir Rafe Euers, whose seruice had bene such in these late warrs with the Scottes, that he had brought the more part of all those, that inhabi­ted within twenty miles of the borders of Eng. vnto the obedience of King Henry, who now were the chiefe cause of his destruction in ma­ner as you haue heard. This yeare the French King sent Mongomery into Scotland with foure thousand Frenchmen, of whome fiue hundred were lances, these ioyning with the Scottes, to the number of fifteene thousand in the whole, came to the borders, encamping ouer against Warke Castle, from whence passing ouer the riuer euery other day, they entred into the English mar­ches and returned backe againe at night, with such booties as they got: In this manner hauing praied vpon the inhabetants fiue or sixe miles compasse, for the space of a weeke to gether, [Page 306] vnderstanding that the Earle of Hertford, (lieute­nant ouer the North parts) had taken such order for the defence of those countries, that it auailed not to attempt any further inuasion at that time, they teturned home into Scotland. The next sum­mer was spent with continuall light incursions of the borderers on both sides, with variable suc­cesse on either party. The taking of Robert Max­well (a gallant young Gentleman, eldest sonne to the Lord Maxwell) was of greatest note. At the approach of winter, Montgomery (hauing first by commission from the king his Maister, inuested the gouernor and the Earles of Angus, Huntley & Arguile, with the honorable order of the Michell (wherof he was himselfe a companion) returned into France. Though these two nations sought to molest one the other, yet in one thing (in perse­cuting the true seruants of God) they agreed o­uer-well. For albeit K. Henry had lately banished the vsurped Supremacie of the bishop of Rome, & also had published the New Testament in Eng­lish, (a good preparatiue to the reformation that followed in his sonnes daies: yet it pleased not the Lord to enlighten his vnderstanding so farr, as by his Ministery to giue the Gospell free pas­sage in all the principall points of the true Reli­gion. Hereof it came to passe, that as well in the one as other nation, the professors of the gospel were cruelly persecuted, especially for denying the reall and carnall presence of our Sauiour Iesus Christ (whom the father hath placed farre aboue [Page 307] the earth, at his right hand in heauen) to be in the holy Sacrament of his last supper. For about this time, George Wishart a Scottish Minister, a man of speciall account for the purity of his life & doc­trine, was conuented before the C [...]rdinall, and by him conuicted of herisie (as the truth was then called) finally burned at S. Andrews, ouer-against the Castel (where he was imprisoned) within ten weekes after, on the 16. of Iuly; 1546. 1546 Anne Ayscu one of the two daughters of Sir William Ayscu of Lincolnshire, being not aboue 25. yeares old, for the defence of the same truth, was first most bar­barously tormented on the rack, & then (not pre­uailing th [...]t way) burned with others in Smith­field at London. These saints of God, the two first of speciall marke (he for the reputatiō of his life and learning, and she for the respect of her birth and education) that in this Iland gaue their liues for the truth, left behind them a more notorious remēbrance of their christian ends, by the strang predictions that accompanied the same. For whē this man of God (the flame now ready to incom­passe him) was comforted by the Captaine of the Castell his keeper, and put in minde to call vpon GOD, answered againe, that though these fierie flames are greeuous to flesh & bloud, yet my spi­rit is nothing there-with dismaid: but he that so proudly sitteth yonder ouer-against vs (meaning the Cardinal that was placed in a window of the Castell to behold this spectacle) shall within few dayes lye on the ground, no lesse reprochfully [Page 308] then now he doth aduance himselfe arrogantly, which within foure monthes after came to passe when as the Cardinall was murthered by cer­taine of his owne clientes and followers, in the same place, and his dead carcas showed out at the same windowe, where lately before he was placed, in great pompe at the martirdome of George Wishart. Mine aunt Anne, after many threats and great search made for her by the pre­lates her persecutors, was by casual intercepting of her owne letter discouered, and so vnwilling­ly deliuered into ther bloody hands, by him, that both loued her and the religion which she pro­fessed, but was neuer the lesse ouer come with feare (for hee had much to lose least happily by concealing what was knowne he knew, he might so haue brought himself into trouble thus much flesh and blood preuailed with him, which often hath such powre euen ouer the most regenerat, that the Apostle Paule saith of himselfe, what I would that I doe not: but what I hate euen that I doe, from the time he had leaft her with them, till the houre wherein she suffered, a flame of fier presented it selfe in the day time to vewe such (as according to his owne comparison (appeareth in a glasse windowe ouer against a great fier in the same roome, doutlesse this signe was giuen him to some end, and I doubt not, but he made good vse thereof. For the sequell thus much I haue since obferued, that his Sonne and haire in few [Page 309] yeares, wasted the better part of his patrimonie (not to be redeemed at this day, with 20. thousād pounds) by yeelding ouer-much to the vnbridled vanities of another Anne Aiscu his wife. Thus it pleased the Lord in his wisdome, to giue honour to our family by such a meane, as the world then held reprochfull, and contrariwise to impaire the state and reputation of the same, by such a match, as in the iudgment of mā (for she was honorably descended) should rather haue giuen more esti­mation vnto it. But now to returne to the con­tention temporall. The Earle of Hertford, with a new armie of some twelue thousand horsmen & footmen, entring Scotland, burned a great part of the Mers & Tiuidale, amongst the rest, the towne and Abbay of Kelso, and Melrosse Abbay, the for­mer was a while defended by 300. Scots, but in the end the most of them were either slaine or taken prisoners. The army hauing in this maner passed along the further side of Tweed (but not far within the country) returned home without in­counter. In Ianuary following, this renowned Prince, not inferiour to any other liuing in those dayes (& yet that age brought forth more excel­lent, then for many yeares before Christendome had inioyed together) departed out of this life, who had so great desire to haue vnited these two nigh kingdoms, as that (it is said) he gaue especi­all charge to the lords of his coūsell at his death, to indeuor the effecting of the promised mariage [Page 310] with the yong Princesse of Scotland, 5. years yon­ger then Prince Edward his onely sonne, now a­bout nine yeares old at the death of the king his father: wherfore the Duke of Somerset the yong kings Vncle by his mother (lately before Earle of Hertford) but now with the accesse of that title, made also lord Protector of the Realme, togea­ther with other Lords of the Councell, held it expedient no longer to detract time, but once a­gaine to assay, if happily after so many victories ouer the Scots in the pursute of this cause, they would yeeld now at length to that, against which they too wilfully opposed themselues. To which end the lord Protector, being wel prouided both by land & sea, passed into Scotland the next yeare about the beginning of September, causing pro­clamation to be made in 3. seueral quarters of his campe, signifying, that the cause of his comming was to make knowne to all that nation, that his intent was onely to renue the treaty of the long intended mariage, betweene the King of England and their Princesse, offering all maner of courte­sies to as many amongst them, as would shew themselues fauorers therof. The armie marching along by the sea coast, was still attended by the fleet, so as vpon euery occasion the one might re­lieue the others want. Such Castles & houlds as were in their walke; some were rendred, others taken by force and ruinated. As the armie passed, the Scotish light-horsemen prouoked the English­men to skirmish, but commandement was giuen, [Page 311] that none should stir against them. The 9. of Sep­tēber the Nauie lodged at Preston within view of the Scottes, who were incamped at the mouth of the riuer of Eske, within little more then a mile one frō the other. The Scotish prickers were now more busie then before, shewing themselues on the top of an hill in their greatest brauery. The Englishmen could not indure to be so bearded, & therfore the Lord Gray of Wilton (Captaine ouer the horsemen) obtained leaue at length to set on them with a band of light horsemen, and certaine demilances to back them withall. These hauing mounted the hill, the Scots at first made shew to giue the charge, but had no such meaning: for some 500. of them comming forward vpon the spurs with a great shout (after their maner) with­in their staues length of the formost troope, and then purposing to haue wheeled about & be gon: the Englishmen at an instant vnlooked for, recei­ued them so roughly, as that at the first incoūter, and afterwards in the chase, within three houres space, aboue 800. of the Scots were slaine within sight of their own army. The Lord Hume by a fall from his horse in the flight, receiued such an hurt that he died thereof shortly after. His sonne and heire, six Gentlemen, and two Priests were taken prisoners. On the English party, but one was hurt yet diuerse were taken prisoners by aduenturing ouer-farre in pursuite of the enemy, amongst whom were Sir Ralphe Bulmere, Thomas Gower Marshall of Barwicke, and Captaine Crouch, all [Page 312] three hauing charge ouer certaine comp [...]ies of horsemen. After this blow, the Scottish horsemen performed no more seruice worth the remem­brance. The Protector knowing that the Scottes were not a little discouraged by this ouer-throw giuen the horsmen, & perceiuing no disposition in them to giue battaile, vnlesse it were vpō great aduantage, thought it now a fit time to make trial whether yet they would harken vnto his reaso­nable demands, which he signified to the Gouer­nor in writing, to this effect, as Buchanan repor­teth. First he earnestly intreated the Scots to remē ­ber, that on both sides they were all Christians, to whom (if they would follow their profession) nothing could be more acceptable then peace & amity, nor any thing more hatefull then war and bloud-shed. That the warre now betweene them proceeded not of ambition, malice, or enuie, but from an harty desire of an assured & fi [...]e league and amity between the two nations, which by no meanes else could be effected, then by that mari­age, which by their free consents had bin already faithfully promised, & by publike writing gene­rally approued & ratified, vpon such conditions as were more fauorable on their side, thē of their owne, such as brought them into no manner of bondage, but into a friendly society of life and community, of either fortune, good or bad. That this ma [...]age would be much more aduantagable to thē then to the English, by how much, both the [Page 313] hope of good, & the feare of harme, to the nation of lesse powre, should be the greater. That they could not deny, but it was necessary their Queene should marry, consequently that their greatest care would bee, how to bestow her. That if they would make choise of a husband fittest for her, in regard both of his owne worth, & the good that should redound to their common-weale; whom could they preferre before the King their next neighbor, borne and bred vp in the same Iland, of her own bloud, trained vp after one maner of dis­cipline, vsing the same language, and not onely in powre and riches, but well nere in all things (ten­ding either to profit or pleasure) farre before her, and which shall bring with it, a neuer fading ami­tie, and an vtter burning in obliuion the memory of all former malice and dissention? where-as if the Scots shall entertaine a stranger, differing frō them in lawes, language, and maner of life, what a number of inconueniences will follow thereof? The mischiefe that by such occasion hath falne vpon other nations, may be a sufficient warning: & better it were to be wise by other mens harms, then by experience to buy witt at so deare a rec­koning. That for his part, if he found them incli­nable to the mariage, he would remit some part of the former agreement, and bee contented that their Queene should bee brought vp amongst them at home, till shee were of age to make her choice, that in the meane season, peace should be [Page 314] kept betweene the two nations, but with this condition, that their Queene should not in the meane time bee transported out of Scotland, and that no compact of marriage should bee made either with the French king, or any other forraine Prince. If they would faithfully promise thus much, he would then in peaceable manner imme­diatly depart with his armie, and what-so-euer damage they had sustained since his comming into their realme, it should bee satisfied by the iudgement of indifferent Arbitrators, chosen on both sides. The Gouerner hauing receiued this letter, imparted the same to very few about him, fearing that if it had passed many mens hands, the greater number would haue inclined to the offred conditions of peace, being so reasonable, which made him the rather conceaue, that vnlesse the Duke had distrusted his strength, hee would not haue made so faire wether with him. And therefore purposing to giue him battaile, he cau­sed a rumor to be spred abroad, that the English­mē were come to cary away the Queene by force of armes which being receaued for truth, great numbers out of all parts flocked vnto him. The Duke perceiuing their meaning, about 8. of the clock in the fore-noone, caused the army to dis­lodge, & for their more aduantage, to march di­rectly towards an hill neere thereto, called Pinck hill, nigh to Vndr [...]' [...] Church. The Gouerner to preuent th [...] Eng [...] of their purpose, cōman­ded [Page 315] euery man to attend his Captaine to the in­counter, who made so good speed, that they were well nere come to it, before the other were gone halfe the way. Thus both contending who should first possesse this hill, together with the aduan­tage of the winde & Sunne, the Englishmen were forced, by the forwardnes of the enimy, to aduen­ture vpon a very desperate peece of seruice. The Scottish armie was marshalled in this maner. The Earle of Angus lead the vant-gard, consisting of 8000. footmen, garded with fiue peeces of great Ordinance on the right hand, & about 400. hors­mē on the left. The Gouernor was placed behind him, with ten thousand Inland-men (as they call them) accounted the choisest soldiers, the whole country affordeth. The Earle of Huntley had the leading of the rere-ward of 8000. men, well nigh euen with the maine battaile on the left side, be­ing both flanked with 4000. Archers Irishmen, & well garded also with field peeces. Their armor (for the most part) was a good skul or Iack, short sword very broad and sharpe, dagger & buckler, and a kerchiefe wreathed and wrapped twice or thrice about their collers. In this aray they stood closly together, holding their pikes in both hāds, and with-all their bucklers on the left, the point brest high, and the other end resting against the right foot, the fore-ranck bending their knees to giue their fellows behind leaue to couer thē with their pikes, & crossing one another in such forci­ble maner, as (if they stood fast) neither man [Page 316] nor horse could breake in amongst them, neither any strength with-stand them. On the other side, the Earle of Warwicke Lord Lieutenant of the armie, conducted the fore-ward of three thou­sand footmen. The Lord Dacres, the rere-ward of like number and qualitie. The middle-ward of foure thousand footmen, was conducted by the Generall him-selfe. The men of armes (who were six thousand) lead by the lord Gray, lord Marshal: and the light horsmen (to the number of two thousand) by Sir Francis Brian, together with the Ordinance, & 200. Harquebusiers on horseback, were bestowed in places most conuenient, either for offence or defence, as present occasion requi­red. There was betweene the two armies a deepe ditch which the Englishmen were to passe, before they could come to the enimie, many that could not leape ouer, stuck fast therein, with no small danger to them-selues, and impediment to their fellowes that followed. Besides that, their course lay vntowardly ouer-thwart plowed lands, with deep furrows, for a stones cast, after they had pas­sed the slough. Not-with-standing these incom­brances in their course, and the eminent perill of their enimes Pikes at the incounter, the valiant lord Gray with his troopes of men of armes, ac­companied with the lord Fitz-Waters (afterward Earle of Sussex) and 2. Knights, Sir Ralph Vane, and Sir Thomas Darcy (of whom the former was lieu­tenant of all the men of armes & demilances: the [Page 317] other Captaine of the Pensioners) with their seuerall bands, to the number of 3400. men of armes issuing out from both sides of the army, so resolutly gaue the charge a front downe the hill vpon their enemies pikes, that with the ve­rie terrour thereof, they were much amased. Ne­uerthelesse the Scottes kept their order and stand so firmely, that at this sharpe incounter, sixe and twenty Gentlemen, besides nere two hundred others, were slaine out right, amongst whome Edward Shelley, Lieutenant vnto the Lord Graie (of his band of Bulleners) as he was the first that passed the ditch, so in likelihood the first also that lost his life. Few of them, that were placed in the formost rancks, returned without hurt on himselfe or his horse. The Lord Gray was dan­gerously wounded in the mouth with a pike. The Englishmen had so small incoragement to maintaine this their hot beginning, that in stead of an orderlie retreat, the greater number put their horses to that speed, as thereby they sho­wed a better will to leaue the field then to fight it out. Hereby the next ward was much disorde­red. But that worthy Earle of Warwike, so chere­fully incorraged his souldiours to stand to it manfully, that what by his owne industry and the diligence of the Captaines vnder him, the ranckes were reduced into good order, both horsemen and foote-men, so as by the small losse at the former incounter, the whole armie [Page 318] attained their desired aduantage. In the meane season the Scottes aduanced their bands with good corrage, though by shot both from land and sea, they were shrowdly galled. But when they perceiued, that the Englishmen (both on foote and horse-backe) were now readie to as­saile them againe, from the higher ground, in such order as they seemed to incompasse them; the Scottish vantgard to auoide the danger of the Spanish shot (who serued on horse-backe,) on the one side: and of being inuironed by the aduersa­rie on the other, declined on that hand from their former direct course vp the hill; whereat the Englishmen giuing a great shoute, cried they flie, they flie; the Scottes supposing their fellowes behind them had fled indeede, turned them­selues about. The middle battaile, seeing their vantgard out of their course, with their faces towardes them, imagined that they had fledde, and forth-with casting downe their weapons, and else whatsoeuer would hinder their speed, they be-tooke themselues (euerie man) to his heeles.

In this sort God gaue the victory to the Eng­lishmen, onelie by the working of his diuine power, and not by either power or pollicie of man. The chase was continued out-right VVest-ward about fiue miles, vnto Lieth, and wel-nere to the gates of Edenbrough, distanced in breadth, neere foure miles, from the sandes [Page 319] vp toward Daketh South-ward. The slaughter was so great, that the riuer of Eske was stained with bloud, which lay East-ward from the place of battaile, and runneth North-ward into the Firth. Not so few as ten thousand Scottes lost their liues, all within the space of fiue houres, from one of the clocke till sixe. Of this number, (besides the Lord Flemming) about two thousād were men of good quality. Aboue fifteene hun­dred were taken prisoners, amongst whome the Earle of Huntley, the Lord of Yester, Hobby Ha­milton (Captaine of Dumbar) the Maister of Saint­poll, the Lord Weames, and a brother of the Earle of Cassels, were of best account. For to one Gen­tleman their were twenty of the common soldi­ours taken prisoners, by reason they were all so meanly apparelled, as that the better sort, could not bee knowne from the rest; who otherwise might haue escaped with their liues. This victo­ry fell to the Englishmen neere Mussel-brugh, on Saterday being the tenth day of September in the yeare of our Lord God 1547. 1547 Two of my Fathers men, hauing lost him in the chase, in their returne found one slaine, so verie like him in all respectes, and more especiallie by a cir­cle about the finger, whereon he vsed to weare a great ringe, as that with much sorrowe and la­mentation they buried him. Hee was one of them, that gaue the first on-set on the enemies pikes, whereat his horse receiued his deathes [Page 320] wound, but serued notwithstanding all that day after.

After this the Englishmen by sea entred the Ile of Colme, a place by scituation very stronge, standing in the Firthe, about foure miles from Lieth, wherein was an Abbie, but the Monkes had abandoned the same. Here and at the Cas­tell of Browghtie-Cragge (which stood in the en­trie into the Taie) garisons of Englishmen were placed, for the more anoyance of those that were to passe vp those riuers. In the returne of the armie by land, Hume Castell and Fast Castell (af­ter some resistance) were surrendred and fortifi­ed by the English. At their comming to Box­brugh they also erected a fortification vpon the ruines of an olde Castell, and placed a garison therein. Here the Lord Protector receiued di­uerse Scottish Leardes and Gentlemen, of the best account thorow the whole Countries of Mers and Tiuidale, vnto the obedience of the King of England, wherevnto they bound them­selues by seuerall oth. The lord Gouerner of Scotland and the Queene Mother, made semb­lance also by message, to be willing to haue come to a treaty with the English lords, but whatsoe­uer their meaning was, all their faire showes turned to nothing. And truely in the iudge­ment of man it was much to be admired, (con­sidering the great good that was hoped might haue followed thereof to both Nations) what [Page 321] should mooue the Scottish Nobility to bee so much bent against this marriage, especially now that the Cardinall was dead, who ouer-ruled the rest while he liued. But he, that seeth the state of all things and time at one instant, knoweth what is fittest to bee admitted in euery season, and disposeth of the successe, of all that man purposeth, to the best aduantage of such as serue him. For if this marriage, so much desi­red and inforced, had then taken place, who knoweth into what estate, both this and that Realme also, should haue beene therby brought, after the death of King Edward, (the young Queene hauing togither with her title so many great friends both in France and Scotland, and happily here also in England that would haue taken her part in that quarrell)? While the Duke of Sommerset was thus occupied on the East part of Scotland the Earle of Lennox and the Lord Wharton (warden of the VVest Marches) at his appointment entred into Scotland one that side also.

This army consisted of some eight hundred horse, and fiue thousand foot-men. First, the Castell of Milke (a fortresse of good strength) was surrendred, passing from thence further in­to the Country, they ouerthrew the Church & steeple at Annand, fortified by the Scottes, and then set the towne on fire. Here-with that Coū ­try was so affrighted, that on the next day all the [Page 322] Kilpatrickes, the [...], the Le [...]rds of Kirke-mi­chell, Apple-gar [...], [...]s [...]r [...]e, [...]endes, Nubie and the Ir [...]ngs, the Bells, the Rigges, the Mur­re [...]s, and all the [...]la [...]nes and sur-names of the nei­ [...] p [...] of Annand [...]le, came in and receiued an o [...] of obedience, as subiects to the King of Eng­land, giuing pledges for their assured loyaltie. They that refused to follow their example, had their houses spoiled and burned, their goods & cattell carried away by the English horse-men, who were sent abroad into the Country for that purpose. Thus was that Nation pitifully afflic­ted for their obstinacy, which vndoubtedly proceeded from their blind zeale to popery, which they sawe was then declining a pace in England, fearing that by this marriage the same e [...]ectes would [...]es f [...]llowed thereof amongst themselues. Thus much was signified by an em­bleme, borne at the last battaile in the banner of the Scottish Prelates, which was a woman pain­ted with her haire about her shoulders, kneeling before a Crucifix, with this word wrytten in golden let [...]ers. Afflict [...] sponsae ne obli [...]iscaris. The Lord Wharton with his company being returned with their priso [...]r [...] and spoiles to [...]oxbrugh, re­ceiued there of [...]he Duke many thankes, and so were dismissed. The Duke also, hauing first ta­ken order for [...]ll things needfull for those g [...] ­sones h [...] [...] behind him in Scotland, and com­mitting the Li [...]utenancy ouer the borders [...] [Page 323] the Lord Gray, on Michelmasse day dissolued his army, and returned into England. In this ior­ney were made knights by the Duke and the Earle of Warwicke, these whose names follow Sir Andrewe Dudley, brother to the Earle of Warwicke. Sir Ralfe Sadler (of whome I haue spo­ken before) Sir Francis Brian, and Sir Raufe Vane, were made Banneretes, which is a degree a­boue a knight bacheler, beeing alwaies such before.

  • The Lord Gray of Wil­ton.
  • The Lord Edward Sey­mer.
  • Lord Thomas Ho­ward.
  • Lord W [...]ldike of Cleue­land.
  • Sir Thomas Dacres.
  • Sir Edward Hastings.
  • Sir Thomas Bridges.
  • Sir Iohn Thin.
  • Sir Miles Partridge.
  • Sir Iohn Conway.
  • Sir Gyles Poole.
  • Sir Raufe Bagnell.
  • Sir Oliuer Lawrence.
  • Sir Henry Gates.
  • Sir Thomas Chaloner.
  • Sir Thomas Neuille.
  • Sir Iames Wilford.
  • Sir Raufe Coppinger.
  • Sir Thomas Went­worth.
  • Sir Iohn Meruin.
  • Sir Nicholas Strange.
  • Sir Charles Sturton.
  • Sir Francis Saluin.
  • Sir Hugh Ayscu of Com­berland.
  • Sir Richard Towneley.
  • Sir Marmaduke Con­stable.
  • Sir George Audley.
  • Sir Iohn Holcroft.
  • Sir Iohn Southworthe.
  • Sir Thomas Danby.
  • Sir Iohn Talbote.
  • [Page 324]Sir [...]is Fl [...]g.
  • [...] Iohn Gres [...].
  • Sir William [...]with.
  • Sir Iohn [...]es.
  • Sir G [...]ge [...]lage.
  • [...]ir William Francis.
  • S [...]r Francis Knowles.
  • Sir Williā Thorowgood.
  • Sir George Howard.
  • Sir Andrew Corbet.
  • Sir Henry Hussie.
  • Sir Anthony Sterley.
  • Sir Walter Benham.
  • Sir Roland Clarke.
  • Sir Iohn Horsley.
  • Sir Iohn Foster.
  • Sir Christopher Dirs.
  • Sir Peter Negro.
  • Sir Alonso Deuille.
  • Sir Iames Granado.
  • These 3. strangers.
  • Sir Robert [...]randling.
  • Sir Richard Verney.
  • Sir Arthure Mane­ring.
  • Sir Iohn Bertiuille.

In December following, the Earle of Lennox (being incoraged therevnto by such as in show, seemed to fauor him) repaired into Scotland, and comming to D [...]fr [...], hee there attended cer­taine f [...]es out of those partes, which the Earle of Angus, and his olde acquaintance the Earle of Glencorne, had promised before to send vnto him. But at the daie and place appointed, of two thousand horse-men besides foot-men) which he exsp [...]ed, he was barely furnished of three hundred, and such as liued only vpon ro­bery and spoile. This manner of dealing, but especial [...] the inconstancy of Iohn Maxw [...]ll made the Earle (not without cause) very iolious ouer [...]. VVherefore, that hee might with the like [...]ning deceiue them, wh [...] would ha [...]e [Page 325] deceiued him, keeping still in his companie, the Earle of Glencorne, Iohn Maxwell, and some other of the principall Scottes, who labored his reuolt to their faction, hee secretlie gaue order, that sixe hundred horsemen (some-part English and some-part Scottish) should at mid­night set for-ward towards Drwm-lamrige. Be­ing come thither, some foure hundred of them beganne in disordered manner, to forrey the Countrie, of purpose thereby to prouoke Iames Dowglas (the Lord of that Castell) to come forth, and so to intrap him. But he doubt­ing the worst kept in till day-light. Then seeing the coast cleere, with some seauen hundred horse, hee followed after them with speed, ho­ping not onely to ouer throwe them, but also to take the Earle of Lennox at Dunfrees. Ha­uing with his hast entred the riuer of Nith, hard at the Englishmens heeles Maister Henry Whar­ton (second Sonne to the Lord Wharton) Cap­taine ouer that Companie, perceauing the be­hauiour of the Dowglas, turned vpon him with some score horsemen (for the Scottes their fel­lowes were latelie before departed home-wards with their booties) and what thorough the aduantage of the ground, and the difficultie of the enemies passage, hee put them to flight. Dowglasse escaped verie narowlie, two Gentle men of his sur-name, of especiall account with him were slaine, euerie man had his prisoner, [Page 326] amongst whom diuerse were of good regard, [...]se they carried with them to Dunfrees. This ouerthrow [...] put them of Gallowaie into such feare, that they did wholy submit themselues to the obedience of the King of England. The Go­uernor in the meane time hauing besiedged Broughty-Cragge, with some eight thousand men and 8. peeces of artilery, (the which was valiant­ly defended by Sir Andrewe Dudley) when he had knowledge of the good successe the Earle of Lennox had, after wel-nere three monthes siedge gaue it ouer, leauing behind him Iames Halibur­tone with an hundred horse, to cut off such victualls, as by land should bee sent thither, and to a fort which the Englishmen had built on the toppe of an hill neere vnto the other. The Earle of Lennox, beeing desirous to bee better reuenged on his dissembling friendes, his Father in Lawe and others, obtayned leaue once againe, togither with the Lord Wharton to enter into Scotland on the VVest-Marches. Their forces were some seauen hundred horse-men, and fiue hundred foot-men English, besides some other Scottish horse-men. About the latter end of this yeare, they came to Lo [...]h-maben and so to Dunfrees.

The Earle of Angus being then at the Cas­tell of Drom-lanrigge, solicited his Sonne in lawe by messa [...]e, to repaire vnto him. The Earle pe [...] ­ceauing it was done vpon no good meaning [Page 327] towards him, forth-with appointed certaine troopes of horse-men to foraye the Country, whereby to draw him to the field. About mid­night Maister Henry Wharton set forwards with twelue hundred light horse-men. The Maister of Maxwell, afterwards Lord Herries (whose ad­uice the Earle vsed in this plot) and the residue of the assured Scottes amongst them, kept the vantgard. In the morning the Earle himselfe and the Lord Wharton marched forth with the foot-men, till they came ten miles beyond Dun­frees. Then they so disposed their companies, that the Earle of Angus was wel-nere intrapped, before he distrusted any such matter, so as hee was forced to flie, with fiue or sixe persones on­ly in his companie. The English horse-men be­ing come to Dusdere set the towne on fire. The Maister of Maxwell with the other Scottish Gen­tlemen and light horse-men of the borders, to the number of foure hundred, hauing now trai­ned the Englishmen into the middest of their e­nemies, (for on euery hill toppe great numbers of Scottes were placed about them) forth-with the Leard of Drom-lanrigge, with certaine cho­sen horse-men, aduanced forward in sight of the Englishmen; wherevpon the assured Scottes, so­denly rearing vp a blacke pensill vpon the point of a speare for a token, ioyned them­selues to their Countrie-men vnder Drom-lanrigge.

The Scottes being thus vnited, and thrusting in betweene the English horsemen & their foot-men, not without great peril to the one and o­ther, they passed on, towards the Earle of Len­nox & the Lord Wharton, who by this time were approached neere the old Castell of Danswinton (some-times the house of the Cumines) bru­ting it abroad; that the English horse-men were ouerthrowne. The Earle of Lennox, behold­ing the manner of his aduersaries approach, alighted on foote from his horse, willing the Lord Wharton to doe the like, for this day (sayd hee) I will die a true Englishman. By this time; the English horse-men behinde the Scottes, fetching a compasse in their retreat from Dus­dere, came fortunatly to the place, where the Earle and his companie beeing ranked in order of battaile, were readie to retire backe againe towardes Dunfrees, thinking no lesse, but that their horse-men had in deede (as it was bruted) beene ouerthrowne by the enemie. But the horse-men now comming in, and perceauing how the matter stood, gaue a braue charge vpon the Scottes (that stood facing the Earle and his people, ready to take any aduantage, that in their retreat should haue beene offred) and ther-with disordered and put them to flight. The Leard Drom-lanerigge was taken prisoner, but by corrupting him that tooke him, hee got away.

The Maister of Maxwell had many speares broken vpon him, but escaped. Besides those that were drowned in the riuer Nith: foure hundred were taken prisoners, amongst whom the Abbote of Newe-Abbey, and Christie Er­rwing of Boushawe (a brother of the Learde of Hempsfield) were the chiefe. At their returne the Earle to Dunfrees, the towne was rifled, from whence Maister Henry Wharton was sent withall speede to the Court, to make relation of the good successe of this iorney into Scotland, who both for his good seruice now and before, as also for the counter-newes hee first brought to the false report, that (till his comming) was intertained in England, receiued the honor of Knight-hood, as he well deserued. Letters were returned from the Counsell to the Lord Whar­ton, for the execution of certaine pledges: one, for the Maister of Maxwell, of his nearest kin­dred, the VVarden of the Graie-friers in Dun­frees, the Vicare of Carlauerocke, & some others, who were executed at Carliele accordingly. In the end of Aprill the yeare following, 1548 the Lord Graie Lieutenant of the North-partes, with Sir Thomas Palmer and Sir Thomas Holcroft, were sent into Scotland with competent forces, for the fortifying of the towne of Hadington, and some other places seruing best for the defence of those Countries against the enemie, whome the Lord Protectour purposed thereby (if it [Page 330] might be) to bring to some reasonable conditi­ons of peace. During the Englishmens abode their at this time, they tooke and burned di­uerse Castells and Townes, wasting that Coun­try (the most firtile soile in Scotland) on euerie side. Vpon the surrender of the Castell of Yes­ter; the Lord Gray was contented to pardon the defendantes only one excepted, who during the siedge had vttered reproachfull words against the King of England. A Scotte named Newton was charged here-with, but he denying it, accu­sed one of the Hamiltons, who likewise forswore it. These two gentlemen, one accusing the o­ther without any p [...]ofe on either side, required the combat, which was granted vnto them. At the appointed time, they entred the listes at Ha­dington, in the market place prepared for that purpose. They were apparelled in doublets and hose, and weaponned with sword, buckler and dagger. At the first entrie, Hamilton knee­ling downe made his feruent praier, that it would please the Lord to giue victory to the truth, with solemne protestation, that he neuer vttered any such speech of the King of England as his aduersarie layed to his charge. New­ton being troubled (as it seemed by his coun­tenance) with his false accusation, argued vnto the beholders his gilty conscience.

The combat begunne; Hamilton was so full of [...]orage, that he caused the other to giue backe [Page 331] wel-nere to the end of the listes. But Newton perceauing the danger hee was in, (for if he had beene driuen to the end, he should haue beene adiudged vanquished) stept forwards, and withal gaue Hamilton such a wound on the legge, that there-with he fel downe to the ground, and then falling vpon him slew him out-right with his dagger. Diuerse Scottish Gentlemen present, being fully perswaded, that Newton was the of­fender, notwithstanding this his purgation, offred themselues to maintaine the vanquished mans quarrell, but the victor chalenging the Lawes of armes, my Lord Gray would not doe him that wronge, but giuing him his gowne and chaine then about him, hee so dismissed him.

This Newton was afterwards met withall vp­on the borders, and pittifully hewne and cut in peeces. I cannot see any warrant, that this kinde of triall hath out of Gods word, wherefore it were good, some other more Christian course were taken in such cases. The gouernor now per­ceauing that without the assistāce of some other Prince, hee should not be able to resist the Eng­lishmen, hauing gotten such foot-hold within the Realme of Scotland, entreated the Queene Mo­ther, and Monsieur Doysel, Lieger Ambassador for King Henry of France whose father (king Francis) was deceased, some-what more then a yeare before, about two monthes after the death [Page 332] of King Henry of England) to procure the sayd King to send an armie into Scotland against the Englishmen, enemies to both those Nations. The Queene seeing a readie way now laied open, to bring that to passe she most desired, which was to haue that Realme ordered in all things at the French Kings appointment, willingly vnder­tooke to accomplish his request conditionally that he togither with the States of the Realme, would giue consent, that the Princesse should bee conuaied ouer into France, and bestowed in marriage, as stood with the liking of King Hen­ry. The Gouernor consenting therevnto, assem­bled the estates of Parliament, who togither entred into couenantes to that effect, and pre­sently sent them in wryting into France. The King accepting the offer, made preparation for the transporting of an armie into Scotland with what expedition conueniently hee could. For hee did well fore-see (as his Father and o­ther of his predecessors had done before him) how inconuenient it was for that Nation, to admit of a marriage, whereby this Island should become one absolute monarchy.

This was well obserued, at what time the Emperor Charles the fift, and Francis this Kings Father, visited King Henrie the eight at his campe besides Calice: where they togither beholding, ouer the entrance into the Kings Pauilion, a deuise of an Archer, imbrode [...]ed [Page 333] thereon, with this word, Cui adhaereo praeest: Meterane brake out into this kind of speach one vnto the other, if the King of England esteeme so much of his owne powre and strength, in this his present estate, hauing yet Scotland a bad neighbour vnto him: what would he doe, if hee commanded the whole Iland? The Lord Gray hauing fortified Hadington, and furnished it of all things necessa­rie, leauing therein a garison of two thousand footmen, and fiue hundred horse, on the xii. of Iune returned into England. While the Scottish nation was thus vexed by the English, the French King made great preparation, as well to ayde his friends there, as to annoy the Englishmen in gari­son at Bullen-berge, and other places on that side the sea. But the Councell of England warilye fore-seeing, and preuenting the danger thereof, was not vnprouided to resist all such attempts as on either side might preiudice the wel-fare of the realme.

And further it was thought good to make tri­all once againe, how much they might by en­treatie and gentle perswa [...]ions preuaile with the Scottish Nobilitie, in the matter of mariage betweene King Edward, and the Princesse of Scotland that was now offered to the French King, for his sonne the Dolphin. And because they should bee well assured that the same pro­ceeded not of any perticuler disposition in the Protector alone, who before (as I haue shewed) [Page 334] had to that end earnestly solicited the Gouernor by his priuate letter) he together with the Lords of the Counsell, ioyntly in all their names, signi­fied by publike writing to the whole Scottish na­tion, their continued hearty desire in this point, in maner following.

Considering with our selues the present state of things, and weying more deeply the maner and termes wherein you and we do stand, it mak­eth vs to maruell what euill and fatall chance doth so disseuer your hearts, and maketh them so blind and vnmindfull of your profit, and so still to make and heape to your selues most extreame mischiefes, the which wee, whom you will needs haue your enimies, goe about to take from you, and perpetually to ease you thereof. And also by all reason and order of necessitie, it should be ra­ther more conuenient for you, to seeke and re­quire moderate agreement of vs (whom God hath hitherto according to our most iust, true, and godly meaning, and intents prospered, with your affliction) then that wee being vanqui­shers in the field, and maisters of a great part of your realme, should seeke vnto you. Yet to the intent that our charitable minds and bro­therlie loue should not cease, by all meanes possible, to prouoke and call you to your owne good, euen as one naturall brother to another, or as the carefull Phisition doth to his carelesse [Page 335] patient. Wee still call and crye vpon you to looke to your estate, to auoide the calamities which ouer-whelme and oppresse you, to haue vs rather brothers then enimies, rather countrimen then strangers. And if your Gouernour shall retaine and keepe from you this our ex­hortation, as heretofore hee hath done our pri­uate Letters and publique proclamation, tend­ing to the same effect, for his and his fauorites more aduantage, not regarding though you bee still in miserie, so as they haue gouernance and profit by you, and shall still abuse you with fained and forged tales: yet this shall bee a witnesse before GOD and all Christian peo­ple, betweene you and vs, that wee professing the Gospell of IESVS CHRIST, according to the Doctrine thereof, doe not cease to call and drawe you from the effusion of your owne bloud, the destruction and ruine of your realme, from perpetuall enmitie, and from seruitude to forraine Nations: to tranquilitie, amitie, liber­tie, and equalitie with vs, yea to that, which your owne writers haue alwayes wished might come to passe. Who that hath read the Stories of times passed, and obserueth the incursions, roades, spoyles, and the bloudie battailes be­tweene these two Nations: your realme (fiue times) ouer-runne by one of our Kings: your Kings, some taken prisoners, others slaine in battaile: and with-all shall consider, that as [Page 336] we bee confined by the Ocean, and so made one Iland, euen so agree wee, and resemble one the other, in language, lookes, manners and conditi­ons: shall he not thinke it a thing very vnmeete, vnnaturall, and vnchristian, that there should bee betweene vs so mortall hatred and discord, where ought to be loue and perfect amitie, as betweene brethren of one Iland, the great Britaine? Though he were a stranger to both, what could he thinke more fitte, then if it were possible, to make two such kingdomes one, in all respects so conform­able and suteable? Now for as much as two suc­cessors cannot concurre and fall into one, by any other meane then by mariage, where-by is made of two, one bloud, one linage, one parentage, and so an indefencible right giuen on both sides, to one, without the destruction of either: what could you wish more happy, then that, which now, not by blind chance, but of his infinite mer­cie, as being carefull of your estate, he hath done for you: And to the end you should the better obserue the maner of his diuine working here­in for your good, call to remembrance that your last king, a Prince of much excellencie, had three children. But did not the Lord God as if it were to shew that it was his will and pleasure, the long continued warre betweene the two nations, should take end, and they become vn [...]ted and made one people: take away the two male-babes placed a sunder, both within the space of foure [Page 337] and twenty houres, leauing but one maiden child your Princesse: when the most wise and victori­ous Prince late our King (Henry the eight) in other of his marriages not very fortunate) had by his most lawfull wife, the vertuous Queene Iane (his other two former wiues then being dead, and neuer any question made of the lawful­nesse of that mariage, nor after her death any motion of other wife (though the King liued eight yeares after) a Prince of so high expecta­tion, the true and vndoubted heire to the crowne of England, and his Maiesties onely male issue left behind him to succeed him: if nothing else had beene done, what can any wise, or any Chri­stian man, that thinketh the world is gouerned by Gods prouidence, and not by fortune, other­wise take it, but that it was the Lords will it should be so, to the end that these two realmes should bee ioyned in mariage, and there-by to make a godly, firme, and most friendly vnitie be­tweene them? if any man looke to bee confir­med herein by miracle, obserue and marke all the possibilities of the natures of the two kings: the children first had the doubtfull chance, least both of them should haue had a sonne, or both daugh­ters, or not of meete ages, with other circum­stances of the one partie or the other, which hath not chanced in eight hundred yeares be­fore: it must of necessitie be reckoned an extra­ordinarie course, if not a miracle. But be it as it [Page 338] may bee, what more certaintie can bee had of Gods working and will in this case, then the consideration of the former recited occurrents doth minister? call you them prouidences or meere chances, if you shall be still afflicted? May not the Lord say vnto you: I of mine infinite mercie, and loue to your Nation, had prouided an vndoubted heire and a Prince to the one, and a like heire and a Princesse to the other, to bee ioyned together in my holy ordinance, and by the law of Nature and Nations, to haue made an vnitie and peace there-by, betweene the one realme and the other; but you refusing the of­fered oportunitie, haue made choise of dissenti­on, rather then of vnitie: of discord, then of agreement: of warre, then peace: of hatred and malice, then of loue and charitie. If you then smart for it, whom can you blame, but your owne bad choise. But because some of you, who oppose your selues here-vnto, cannot but con­fesse Gods prouidence herein, for the vniting of both realmes, yet may neuer-the-lesse here-after obiect as before you haue done, our fault here­in is, that we seeke not equality, nor the mariage, but a conquest, that wee would not bee friends and fellowes, but Lordes ouer you: Although our proclamation, and priuate letters at the last warres, doe sufficiently declare the contrary, yet here we protest to you and all Christian people, that it is the Kings minde by our aduise and [Page 339] counsell, not to winne and subdue by force, but to conciliate by milde course: not to spoile and kill, but to saue & keepe: not to disseuer and diuorce, but to ioyne in mariage both Prince and people, to make of one Iland, one kingdome vnited in loue, amitie, concord, peace and Christian chari­tie. If you refuse and reiect this kindnesse, & ther­by compell vs to vse armes, who shall bee giltie of the bloud-shed? who causeth battailes, burn­ing of houses, and other extremities and mis­chiefes that acompany warre? can it bee denied, but that we haue the great seale of Scotland, gran­ted by generall consent in your Parliament, for a testimonie against you. What was wanting, tending to the assurance of the mariage, saue onely yeares, and so liking and consent betweene the parties them-selues? what end can you looke for, by still opposing your selues against our ho­nest purpose and Christian indeuor, but such suc­cesse, as you haue already assaied? we offer loue, e­quallity, & amity, we ouer-come in war and offer peace, we win holds, & with-hold our hands from conquest, we get still in your land, and offer you our owne, what can be more offred & proffered, then intercourse of marchandise, & interchange of mariages, the abolishing of all such our lawes, as might bee impediments to our mutuall a­mity? Wee haue offred, not onely to leaue and giue ouer the name, title, right, or chalenge of Superioritie, but also to relinquish, the long [Page 340] continued name of our Nation, and the glory of any victorie (if [...]ny we haue had or should haue of you) and to take vp againe with you, the an­cient name of Britaines, because nothing should be left on our partie vn-offered, nothing of your party vn-refused, whereby you might be inexcu­sable. What face hath this of conquest? we goe not about to disinherite your Queene, but to giue her issue (if she haue any) a greater inhe­ritance. What better defence can you wish in her nonage, then to haue England your patron and protector? neither seeke we to abrogate or change your lawes and customes, but rather to establish them and redresse your oppressions. These vaine feares are put into your heads by them, who in truth respect more their priuate aduantage and present estimation, then the good of the whole land, both present and future. Now in this tumult of disorder, while your realme is tossed vp and downe, with the waues and surges of warre, they thinke they cannot be espied: but looke on them with the eies of sound iudgment, and then you shall easilie perceiue their drift. Consider in what state you stand: to keepe your Queene vnmaried, were very dishonorable: to marrie her within your realme, cannot extin­guish the title wee pretend to the Crowne of Scotland, and what dissention, enuie, grudge, and malice, that shall breed amongst you, is easily perceiued. But you will [...]tow her out of the [Page 341] Realme to a mighty Prince? Our title standeth where it was, you become subiect to foraigne power, to them of a strange land and differing language, vs you haue your enemies euen at your elbowes: your succors farre of not passa­ble at all times. Be not wee now in the heart of your Realme? possesse we not a good part ther­of? Do not many of your owne Nation take our part, mooued therevnto by the equity of our demande? But you will bring in a foraigne power, to expulse vs and all our partakers. Be­ware what you doe. Learne to bee wise by o­ther mens harmes. Consider how dangerous a point it is, to call to your aide a Nation of greater power then your selues. VVere not our predecessors the Britaines, expulsed by the Saxons vpon that aduantage? How did the French thrust out the Gaules? How came the Turke by all Grecia, and now of late by Hunga­ria, but by beeing brought in and entertayned, for their aide and succour? Did not the Gothes by like meanes get all Italie, and the Lombardes one part thereof now called Lombardie? VVhat better successe looke you for? Needie soul­diers, hauing their weapons in their handes, and knowing you cannot inioye your owne without them, what will they not commaunde, what will they not vsurpe, and what will they thinke that you dare doe against them? Such aide wilbe your confusion, the victorie so had, [Page 342] your seruitude; what is then to bee thought of the losse sustained at their hands? The strangers and mercinarie souldiers will oppresse you within, our power and forces without, were it not then much better to auoide all these mis­chiefes, by an happie mariage with our King, to end all warre and contention by so honorable [...] peace? Holdeth not the Emperor, Spaine and Burgundy by right of mariage? How hath the French King Britaine, now lately annexed to that Crowne, but by title of marriage? How haue all the Princes of the world happily & peaceablie, made of two kingdomes, one, of seuerall signio­ries, one, of sundrie Nations (euer before at warre one with the other, or else in doubtfull peace,) one well gouerned kingdome, rule and dominion, but by that Godly, most commenda­ble, and honorable composition of mariage? There be only two means to worke good agree­ment, where two Nations pretend title one to the other: either by force of armes, or by mar­riage, of these you hate the one, namelie con­quest, and neuerthelesse refuse the other. You will not haue peace, you reiect alliance, what then remaineth? but violence and happily con­quest, whether you will or no, which (we feare) wilbe lesse damage and dishonour vnto you, then the entertainment of a foraigne power, o­uer-mighty to bee remoued by you when you are wearie of their companie.

To conclude, wee declare and protest, that although we are compelled for the time, for the furtherance of our honest and Christian pur­pose, and for the defence of such amongst you as fauor the same, to keepe houlds, and to build fortifications in the Realme: Neuerthelesse his Maiesties minde and pleasure is, with our ad­uice and Counsell, that if faire meanes may pre­uaile, not to vse extremities, if you will imbrace amitie, to leaue armes, for wee desire, loue, vni­tie, concord, peace, and equalitie. Let neither your Gouernor nor your Church-men, nor any other, feede you with faire words, and thereby bring you into the snare, from whence they cannot deliuer you againe. They will hap­pilie prouide for themselues, some pensions out of an other Realme, but who shall pro­uide pensions for the rest? They will send you souldiers to keepe your houlds, but who shall force them to restore them againe? You shal­be well prouided of munition, armor and weapons, but there-with they wilbe readie to cut your owne throates. Now on the other side, if we two, being made by this mariage one Peo­ple, one Nation, and one Monarchie, hauing the sea for a wall, mutuall loue for a garri­son, and God for our defense, what should we be affraide of? who can hurt vs? whie are you not as willing as wee bee, to knit this fast knot of amitie with vs. If the honour of so Noble a [Page 344] Monarchy doth not mooue you herevnto, let the remembrance of your former losses feare you, to attempt that thing, which shall displease almighty GOD, increase your trouble, wast your goodes, and desolate your Country. VVe craue but your promised Queene, your offred v­nity, the coniunctiō of both nations, which God himselfe of his infinite clemency and tender loue towards both, hath offred vnto vs both, and in a manner prouoked vs both vnto it, whose calling wee acknowledge, and will pur­sue the effecting of the same, by all good means. VVhere-with if wee shall not preuaile, then must wee bee inforced to chastice the obstinate and froward amongst you, with the angry An­gels of God, fire and sword. VVherfore we once againe require and exhort you al, who loue your Country, and beare true hearts to your Queene and Mistresse, regard your honours, hold your faith and promise with vs, which shall bring so great a benefit vnto you. As many of you, as shal fauor and further this our interprice, bee hee Lord or Leard, Gentleman or other, wee will friendly intertaine him on our party, & reward his seruice to his best contentment. And for a more sure proofe of our good meaning herein, knowe you, that the King by our aduice and Counsell hath granted, and by these presents doth grant, that from hence-forth all manner of Marchantes and other of your Nation, [Page 345] who shall enter their names with one of the Wardens of our marches, and there professe to take part with vs in this our iust and Godly in­tention, may (to his owne pofit, and all such as bee of the same affection with vs) without any let enter into any port, creeke and hauen of Eng­land, and there vse their traffique, buie and sell, bring in the commodities of Scotland and car­rie forth the commodities of England as free­lie, and with the same and none other custome or paiments, then the Kings naturall subiects do vsually now pay, purposing also vpon the good successe of this our offer, further to gratifie the fauorers of our enterprise, according to the measure of euery mans merit. All this the Kings highnesse, by our aduice and Counsell, hath wil­led to be declared in wryting vnto you, & giuen in commandement vnto vs and his Lieutenants VVardens, Rulers & other head Officers, Mini­sters and subiects, to see done and executed, ac­cording to the true purport, effect and meaning thereof.

Fare you well.

Diuers of the Scottish Nobility, mooued here­by to a due consideration of the present Estate of their Country, notwithstanding that the French succors were already ariued, did not feare in a publique assembly (wherin the cause was so­lemnly debated amongst them) to declare, what reasons moued them to hold it more profitable & honorable, to accept of the alliance & league [Page 346] offred them by the Counsell of England, then to [...] of th [...] hands of the Frenchmē. But the a [...]uerse part [...]y being the stronger (for besides that a [...] the Papists wel-nere were of that faction) th [...] French king had promised great rewards and preferments [...]o the principal men amongst thē: on the gouerno [...] himself he had bestowed a year­ly pention of 12000. crownes, and a charge of an hundred lances) the rest were ouer-ruled, and this point firmely concluded, that the young Queene shold be forth-with sent into France, to be affianced vnto the Dolphine, which was after­wards effected accordingly. The French army ar­riued on the 19. day of this present month of Iune, c [...]sisting of some 6000. in the whole, Viz. 3000. footmen Germaines, conducted by the R [...]graue, 2000. French, and 1000. others of sundry Nations hors-men, ouer whom Monsieur D [...]ss [...] was appointed general, accompanied with o [...]he [...] [...]xpert Captaines, namely Dandel [...], [...]alle [...] [...]n Da [...]se [...], [...]t [...]o, Stro [...]y (an Italian) Nicholas Vil­legaignon Captaine of the Gallies, and Monsieur D [...]d Commissary ouer the artilery. These togi­the [...] with [...]ig [...]t tho [...]sand S [...]ottes layed siedge to Hadington, and in [...]ort time [...]o battered the walles with their great ord [...]ance, that in diuerse places it was ass [...]table. Neuertheles the towne was so w [...] [...]ded by Sir Iames Wilfor [...] the Captaine thereof, & his people, that the enemy had smal hope to take i [...] by force, wherfore they [Page 347] indeuored to cut of al accesse; whereby to famish the defendants, & keepe from them other neces­saries which they wanted, neuertheles by the po­licy of certaine English Captaines, that found a way in the night, with 200. horse-men, thorowe the Scottish watch; the towne was releeued in good time, wherevpon within 4. daies after, the Scots leaft the siedge (fiue or sixe hundred light hors-men only excepted) & went euery man to his owne dwelling. This made the Frenchmen more vigilant & wary afterwards, so as they that made the like interprice next, had not so good successe, for of thirty hundred hors-men (wherof 700. were lances) cōmitted to the charge of Sir Robert Bowes & Sir Thomas Palmer, fewe or none escaped, but was either slaine or taken prisoner. This ouerthrow was imputed to the rashnes of Sir Thomas, because, that after his lances had be­fore repulsed the enemies two seueral charges, he would not be there-with satisfied, but presu­ming vpō his former fortune, aduētured againe so far within their danger, that being incōpassed by them, the English could find no way out to es­cape. The Lord Protector in the meane time, ha­uing prouided an army of 15000. men (of whō 3000. were Almains) cōmitted the conduct ther­of to the Earle of Shrewsbury, accompanied with the L. Gray lieutenāt of the North-parts. More-ouer the lord Clinton high admiral of Englād (af­ter created Earle of Lincoln by Q. Elizabeth) with [Page] a [...] [...]sed, kept [...] with the [...]y by land, [...] [...]hey were [...] f [...] a sonder, but the ships that had brought the French [...]n into Scotland (which they hoped to haue met withal) were be­fore thi [...] time sent home-wards back againe. At th [...] [...]pproach of the English, Monsieur [...]essie raised the field, & retiring his army towards Edenbrugh, incāped beyond Musskelbrough, in a pla [...] of groūd chosen for his best aduantage, the English horse-m [...] coasting them, al the way as they passed, for the space of 7. or 8. miles. The towne of Hading­ [...]on being victualed and furnished of al necessary prouision, the Englishmen showed themselues to the enemy, who there-vpon offred skirmish, but they, seeming as the vnprouided to accept ther­of, dr [...]w backe themselues vntill the other were [...]ome forward within danger of an ambushment laied purposely to intrap them. The Englishmen [...] [...]king the exspected aduantage, wheeling about, gaue the enemy a charge, inforcing him to make his cariere back with more speed, then ap­pertained thereto, so as hauing him in chase, di­uers were slaine & take prisoners, namely Pierre Long [...] & Luciu [...] two French Captains. By this time, 14. or 15. thousand Scots & Irish were come to the enemies c [...]mpe. These new forces were [...]ly lodged, wh [...] sodenly the Englishmen pre­sented themselues in good order of battaile, ex­specting some profer of skirmish for the space of an houre, but perceauing they had no list to [Page 349] leaue their strength, they returned back to their owne Campe. The Nauie, being now entred into the Firth, was not idle; for comming to the brent Iland, the Englishmen set fire on foure ships, and passing thence by Leeth, they saluted that Towne with Cannon shot. Monsieur de Villegaignon, not long before this, was departed from thence with foure Gallies, where-with compassing all the Northerne Ilands of Scotland, he arriued at Dun­britton, where by appointment hee receiued into his charge the young Queene, betwixt fiue and sixe yeares of age, attended by the Prior of Saint Andrewes her bastard brother, Iohn Aesken, and William Leuistone, with whom at length (with much difficultie) hee landed at Brest, the Queene from thence was conueyed to the French Court. The Lord Admirall after this, attempting to burne Saint Minets, was there repulsed by the Laird of Dune, where-vpon the Nauie returned to attend the Armie, hauing sustained some losse at that their last bickering. The Earle hauing pro­ceeded as farre as his Commission extended, dis­solued his armie, and returned into England. But the Lord Gray, staying some time in the Northe parts, according to the charge giuen him, entred againe into Scotland with the Almaigne footmen, and certaine English horsemen, burning and wast­ing the countries of Tiuidale and Lidsdale, twenty miles within the land, and then returned with­out incounter. The reason hereof was (as it [Page 350] seemeth) [...] quarrell, at that t [...]me in Edenbr [...], [...]hen betweene the Scots & the Frenchmen, wh [...] in Sir Iames Hamilton Larde of S [...]en [...]house, Cap­taine of the Castell, and Prouost of the towne, tog [...]er with his son [...] and diuerse townesmen, [...]a [...] tooke his part, were slaine by the French, that with-out leaue would haue entered the towne. This broile (no doubt) bred great vn­kindnesse, & no small iealousie in the one nation ouer the other, so as some inconuenience had followed there-vpon, had not the matter in time beene taken vp betweene them. Monsieur Dessie, to bring himselfe into credit againe with the Scots, aduentured with his companies of Frenchmen & Almaignes, to giue a Camisadoe to Hadington; for comming thither in the night, about the middest of October, some pretty while before day, hee dis­patched the watch before they were aware of any enemy, and was entred into the base court, ready to breake downe the towne gate, before [...]he alarme was raised, crying out, victory, victo­ry. The Englishmen with the suddennesse hereof were much amased, not knowing which way to turne them. In this perplexitie a soldier amongst them (vsing a desperate remedie for a present cure) gaue [...] with his match to a double Canō, that by good chance lay ready charged against the gate: [...]he which with his thunder-bolts made such a passage thorow the Frenchmen, that were [...]ow thronging thereat, a [...] the terrour thereof [Page 351] made the residue to giue back. The Englishmen in the meane time issuing out at a posterne gate vpon their backs, [...]o bestirred their Halberts and black-bils, that many of their enimies were knoc­ked downe, and the residue driuen away, as fast as their legges could carry them. Notwithstanding Desse gathering them againe together, gaue three assaults that morning to the towne, but was still repelled to his great losse, for they caryed away with them sixteen Carts and wagons, laden with maimed soldiers, and dead carcases, besides nere two hundred, that were found in the base court, whom they left behind them. Shortly after this blowe, the enimie had the like successe at Dundie Forte, being already possessed of the towne: for the Frenchmen hauing also recouered the pile there, and purposing to finish a peece of worke, which the Englishmen had begun to their hands, the Riengraue with his Almaignes, and Monsi­eur De Etanges were forth-with sent thither to that end: while they were about this businesse, the Englishmen and their Almaignes, issuing out of Broughtie-Cragge, two miles distant from it, came so sodenly vpon them, that they had no other way to saue them-selues but by running away. And eyther at this time, or at some other shortly after Monsieur de Etanges (who with his company of Horsemen laye in garrison at Dundie) was by them of Broughtie-Cragge, taken prisoner, in a skirmish that was betweene them: [Page] this Gentleman was no small losse to the enemy, being o [...] that approued valiancie, as not many amongst them were marchable with him. But ere it was long, the want of him was requited by the taking of that worthy Knight Sir Iames Wil­ford (the Gouernour of Hadington) by the French garrison at Dumbarre, as he passed by the towne in a conuoy: his place was supplied by Sir Iames a Crofts. The enemie, perceiuing how vnlikelie it was to preuaile against the English at Hadington and Browghtie (which were the places of greatest importance that they held so farre within Scot­land,) brought his forces vnto the borders, at least to defend those countries, then shrewdly incombred by the continuall incursions of the Englishmen. During the Frenchmens abode at Iedworth, they tooke some strengths in those parts in the keeping of the English, namely the Castels at Ferneherst, Cornewall & Fourd, and also entring the English Marches, burned diuerse vil­lages, carrying away many good booties, not a little to the losse and annoyance of the inhabi­tants of those partes. The English borderers here vpon assembled them-selues at Rox-brough, purposing to haue assailed the Frenchmen in th [...]it Campe at Iedworth, but they hauing know­ledge thereof, and finding them-selues ouer-weake to ma [...]e resistance ( [...] by this time many of them were dead, through want of victuals and other necessaries which that hard country, [Page 353] especially in winter, could not affoord them) would not abide the hazard of battaile, but with all speed with-drew them-selues further in­to the countrie: neither from this time forward did they performe any seruice worthy the re­membrance. The Scots in the meane time reco­uered Hume Castell out of the Englishmens hands by night, through the treacherie of certaine of the assured Scots, who at all times had free accesse there-vnto. About the beginning of the next yeare, viz. 1549. 1549 some fiue and twen [...]ie saile of men of warre, were sent out of England, who arriuing in the Firthe; continuing their course vp the riuer, seized vpon foure shippes which they found there. Comming vp ouer-against Leith, and saluting the Towne with their shott, they laye at Anchor thirteene or twelue dayes, in which time hauing landed their men on the Iland of Iuskith, and begun to fortifie the Fleete, they returned to the Sea, in hope to encounter a new supply of Frenchmen, dayly exspected in Scotland: but before the worke could be brought to any perfection, Le Desse taking vpon him this peece of seruice, whereby to giue a plausible fare­well to his former crosse-fortunes in these Scot­tish warres, recouered the Iland, after it had beene in the Englishmens possession sixeteene dayes. All the Captaines well-neere were slaine, and the residue taken prisoners. The number left to attend the finishing of this Forte, were [Page 354] foure Ensignes English, and one of Italians. This Monsieur, hauing atchieued the glory of this en­terprice, gaue vp his charge to Monsieur de Ther­mes, lately arriued at Dun-britaine, and forth-with returned into France in the same galleys, which brought the other into Scotland. The generall conduct of all the French forces being now com­mitted to de Thermes, which with these he brought with him, was well increased: hee forth-with in­camped at Aberladie, where he began a foundatiō of a Fort, therby to impeach the landing of any victuals, for the reliefe of Hadington. Though the Councell of England were now very busily occu­pied, aswell about the suppression of a most dan­gerous commotion within the realme, as also in making preparation against the French king, that now inuaded Boullognoies: neuer-the-lesse, they neglected not (as farre as the state of things at home and abroad would permit) to releeue this their slippery foot-hold in Scotland. For the Earle of Rutland (Lord President then of the North, and Generall of this armie) accompanied with Sir Richard Manors, Sir Francis Leake, Sir Iohn Saunge, Sir Thomas Helcroft, Sir Oswald Wolstropp, and others, furnished with competent forces, both forraigne and Natiue, entred there with into Scotland, and did not onely giue releefe to Hadington and the other garrisons, but with all so distressed the Frenchmen, by setting vpon them in their Trenches, that if the aduantage [Page 355] had beene foreseene in time, the enemie had been in great danger of an vtter ouer-throw. The Almaignes, that at this seruice tooke part with the Englishmen, hauing in the meane time committed the custodie of their baggage to their women & boies, were disburthened by the Scottish prickers, of so much as was worth the cariage. But Iuli­an Romero with his band of Spaniards, sped much worse. For the enemies sodenly setting vpon them, where they lay incamped neere the towne of Coldingham, slew both their Captaine, and well-neere the whole number of them. About this time, Fast Castell was recouered by strata­gem out of the Englishmens hands. For the gate being set open, and their bridge let downe, to re­ceiue victuals brought thether by the assured Scottes, at the Captaines appointment, while the same was vnlading, certaine other Scottes, that were priuilie placed to attend the oportunitie, sodenly entring the Castell surprised it.

The Earle of Rutland being called home more speedily then was purposed, to the suppressing of a new commotion in Yorkeshire, that brake out in his absence, the state of the Scottish affaires began thence-forth to decline, not onely by the tumults raised by the comminaltie in diuerse parts of this realme, but also by the disagree­ment betweene the Lord Protector, and the rest of the Nobilitie, especially the Earle of War­wick Lord great Chamberlaine, and afterwards [Page] created Duke of Northumberland. By reason of which vnhappy iarres, it was thought necessary to giue ouer the keeping of Hadington, being a matter in deed of more charge then profit, see­ing it could not bee victualed, but by the conuoy of an armie. The Earle of Rutland was therefore sent thither againe, to see the fortification rased, and to conduct the men and munition safely into England, which was performed accordinglye. Monsieur Thermes and his associates being here­with not a little incouraged, in February follow­ing besiedged Browghtie-Cragge, which together with an other fortification neere vnto it, were in short time recouered out of the Englishmens hands, wanting meanes to make resistance a­gainst so strong an enimie: neuer-the-lesse they would not yeeld, so long as any man well-neere was able to stand in the defende of the charge they had vnder-taken. While these things were in doing, a treatie of peace was set on foote betweene England and France, but the Commis­sioners proceeding slowly therein, the Scottes and Frenchmen ceased not, in the meane time, to pursue the accomplishment of their ioynt de­sires, which was, vtterly to driue the Englishmen out of Scotland. Therefore immediatly after the recouerie of the former houldes, they besiedged Lowder, where after some skirmishes passed be­tweene the one party and the other, that Forte also was so strictly bes [...] on all sides, that if the [Page 357] peace had not beene the sooner concluded, Sir Hugh Willoughby (the Captaine thereof) must of necessitie haue yeelded, thorough the lacke of shot and other necessaries seruing for defence. Amongst other articles comprised in this agree­ment, one was, that all such Castels, Fortificati­ons and strengths, held by the Englishmen in any part of the Scottish dominions, should be restored to the Scots, and that the Forts of Dowglasse, Rox­brough & Aymoth, which the Englishmen had erec­ted in the time of these warres, should forth-with be razed and throwne downe, to auoide all occa­sion of new controuersie. Mounsier de Mourret was sent into Scotland from the French King, to publish this accord betweene the three Nations, France, England, and Scotland, which in the begin­ning of Aprill in the yeare (that followed) 1550. 1550 was in euery point executed accordingly. The next month al the strangers made returne home­wards, two yeares well neere after their first arri­uall into Scotland. And thus ended (for this time) the whote war betweene these two neighbor na­tions, which had continued now for the space of 7. yeares together, to the exceeding great impo­uerishment of that kingdom, & effusion of bloud on both sides. For aboue fiftie yeares after, there was not any like hostility betweene them. For, all that passed betwixt the one and the other realme vntill the beginning of the 5. yeare of the raigne of Queene Mary of England, who succeeded that [Page 358] pearelesse Prince of most famous memorie King Edward the 6. on the sixt day of Iuly, in the yeare 1553 1553) the same was rather to be accoūted a light breach of the peace, then open warre on either side. Neither were the broiles betweene them in those two last yeares of her raigne, of any great reckoning, which grew by occasion of the warre made by King Philip her husband of the French King: for he therevpon solicited the Queene Re­gent of Scotland (who about two yeares before obtained that dignity) while the Cōmissioners of both these nations were busie at Carliel, about the renuing of the league, to inuade this realme. She being willing to gratifie her confederate, when the Commissioners had broken vp the treatie of Peace without any conclusion, assembled a great Armie, where-with comming to Kellsoe in the moneth of October 1557. 1557 shee together with Monsieur Doisell and other Frenchmen, began to perswade the Scottes to inuade the realme. The Scottish Nobility, to the end they would seeme some-what to yeeld to her request, passing with the army ouer the riuer of Tweed, besieged Warke Castell, whereat lying for the space of 2. or 3. daies, and then hearing of the approach of the Earle of Westmerland (Lieutenant of the North) after some consultation vpon this point, the Scot­tish lords concluded, that for so much as the Eng­lishmen had giuen them no iust cause of quarrell, especially in so high a degree and measure of re­uenge, [Page 359] that the Queene Regent had drawne them thither, for the pleasure onely of the French King and the reputation of Monsieur Doisell his agent, who in the managing of this affaire had carryed himselfe very loftily: therefore (I say) they con­cluded to breake vp the siedge, and to returne homewards, and so this much adoe produced no­thing. The Queene and her Monsieur tooke the matter very greeuouslie, accounting themselues much disgraced here-with, but because there was no remedy, for the present time they resolued to beare it as paciently as they could, hoping a time would come, that should make them of more au­thority amongst them. To this end they laboured to hasten the mariage of the yong Queene (now come to ripe age) for there-by all things should then passe without controulment, at the will and appointment of France. The Queene Regent re­turning home-wards, left Monsieur Doisell with the French forces at Haymouth (where lately be­fore hee had raised a Fortification, to counter-garrison the Englishmen in Berwicke. Diuerse foot-bands also of Scottishmen were waged by the French King to lye at Kelso, Roxbrough, and other such places on the Scottish Marches, for the de­fence of the country, and the annoyance of the Englishmen as occasion serued. Amongst many other roades and aduentures, which passed this winter between the one nation & the other, with variable successe on both sides, that between the [Page 360] Earle of Northumberland, and Sir Andrew Carre was of most reckoning, wherein after doubt­full victory a long time, at length the English preuailed: the Scottish Captaine and diuerse o­ther being taken prisoners. Sir Iohn Foster at this seruice bare himselfe very valiantly, for besides that his horse was slaine vnder him, hee receiued two dangerous wounds, the one thorough his neck, the other on his thigh. On the foure and twentith day of Aprill, the yeare next following, viz. 1558. 1558 the mariage of Francis the Dolphine with Queene Mary of Scotland, was solemnized at Paris with great triumphe and reioycing, which afterward brought that flourishing king­dome into danger of an vtter subuersion; for her Vncles, especially Francis Duke of Guise, and the Cardinall of Lorraigne his brother, by reason of this marriage, bare them-selues so loftily, and so egerlie stroue thereby to aduance their house, that they turned France vp & downe, ruling all things at their owne wils and pleasure. The summer following, sundry out-roads passed betweene the borderers on both sides, but with more losse to the Scots then to Englād, for besides 2. chiefe leaders of their footmen, the Lord Keith sonne to the Earle Marshall, and Patricke L. Gray, were in those broiles taken prisoners, but on the English party Captaine Edrington only. Some ser­uice by sea also, was performed by the Englishmē, for Sir Iohn Clere, being sent with certaine ships [Page 361] of warre to the coast of Scotland, comming to the Iles of Orkney, and hauing landed some part of his company, such a tempest did sodenlie a­rise, that perforce hee was driuen backe to the maine sea, where striuing a long time in vaine to recouer the Iland againe, hee was forced to leaue them behind him, who were thereby all slaine and taken prisoners by the Ilanders. But the Earle of Sussex ioyning with Sir Thomas Cot­ton, and Sowthwick his Vice-admirall, had better successe in Kniter, the Iles of Arraigne and Cum­ber, where they made great spoile, and had done much more there-about, if by out-ragious stormes and tempests they had not beene hin­dered. Of all the English Gentlemen that ser­ued these last two yeares with charge, I know but one liuing at this day, namely Thomas Marck­ham (commonly called Blacke-Marckham) who lead the band of foot-men, of Sir Iohn Marck­ham his Father.

As for the warre maintained in Scotland, 1558 since the happy raigne of our late Soueraigne Lady and Queene, the most renowmed and famous Elizabeth (who to the exceeding great comfort of all the true Christians of this whole Iland, succeeded her deceased Sister, on the seauen­teenth day of Nouember, in the yeare before named) the same was from time to time, al­wayes vnder-taken by her, at the earnest pe­tition and request of the Nobilitie of Scotland, [Page 362] to the common good and well- [...]are of both nati­ons: For when that realme, in the beginning of her raigne, became ouer-burthened by the dayly repaire of the French forces, sent thither to the aide of the Queene Regent, and her pertakers in the defence of the Romish religion: the better sort of the Scottish Nobility, as the Duke of Chateaule reault, (who attained that dignity of th [...] French King, for yeelding vp the gouern [...] [...] the Queene Mother) the Lord Iames Prior of Saint Androwes, the Earles of Arraine, Arguile, Glen­carne, Rothowse, Southerland, Monteith, Huntley, Catnesse, Erolle, Marshall, Cassels, Eglenton, Mon­trosse, the Lords Ruithen, Boide, Ogletree, Ayskin, Drommond, Hume, Rosse, Chrieghton, Leuenstone, [...]mmerwell, the Maister of Lindesey; and the Mai­ster of Maxwell, did all ioyne in request vnto the Queene of England, that it would please her Ma­iestie to assist them against the iniurious demea­nure of the Frenchmen, who sought not onely to extirpate the profession of the Gospell, which they had lately imbraced, but also practised the vtter abolishment and ruine of their ancient lawes and liberties. Their sute was the more wil­lingly yeelded vnto, because it was doubted, that if the Frenchmen had once set good foot-hold in Scotland, som [...] trouble might haue come thereof to this realme, thorow the ambition of the Queenes vncles the Guises, who abusing their au­thority vnder Francis the second (the yong King) [Page 363] had all things at their command in France. The suspition hereof did first arise, when immediatly after the death of Queene Mary, the Scottish Mary (pretending a title to the Crowne) vsurped the armes and stile of England. Herevpon in the latter end of February, the Earle of Arguile, the Prior of Saint Andrewes, the Maister of Maxwell, and the yong Lord of Ledingtone (the Secreta­rie) mette the Duke of Northfolke at Berwick, who was sent thither for that purpose. Here it was concluded, that whatsoeuer stranger should inuade either England or Scotland, that then the one nation should minister ayde to the other: that what Scottishmen should serue her Maiestie in her owne realme, or what Englishmen should serue in Scotland, all should receiue pay onely of the Queene of England: that what bootie or prey should bee gotten by the English seruing in Scotland, the same should become their owne, (the Townes & Castles excepted) which should forth-with bee restored to whom by right they did appertaine.) For the better assurance hereof, fiue young Gentlemen were shortly after sent into England, as pledges in the behalfe of the Lords of Scotland: namely the Lord Claudie Ha­milton (fourth sonne to the Duke) Robert Dowglas halfe brother to the Lord Iames Steward, Archi­bauld Cambell Lord of Lowghennell, George Grayme second sonne to the Earle of Monteith, and Iames Canningham sonne to the Earle of Glencarne. [Page 364] All these were to remaine in England during the liues of the Scottish Queene, and of the French King her husband together, and one yeare more next after his decease, if it first happened. While this businesse was in hand, the Frenchmen be­ing then at the mouth of the water of Leuin in Fife, making head to the Scottish Lords: des­cryed eight ships ready to arriue, which at the first sight, they tooke to bee sent out of France to their succors. But when they perceiued that they were English, with all possible speed they posted to Leethe, forth-with beginning to forti­fie the towne. The Englishmen hauing cast An­cre in the roade there, the Queene Regent sent to Maister Winter (the Vice-admirall) to know for what cause hee was come thither, who dis­sembling with her for the present, answered, that hauing beene at the Sea to pursue certaine Pirates, and not finding them abroade, hoped to haue heard of them there. With-in fewe dayes after this, the whole Nauie repaired the­ther vnto him, where-with becomming com­mander ouer the Furthe, the Frenchmen were penned vp both at Leethe, and in the Iland of Iuskeith, so as no victuals could bee brought them by Sea.

About the beginning of the yeare next fol­lowing, viz. 1560. 1560 The English armie, consisting of two thousand horsmen, and six hundred foot­men (ouer which the Lord Gray of Wilton was [Page 365] Generall) comming to Hadington within Scot­land, was at the first saluted by the Earle of Ar­raine, the Lord Iames Prior, the Maister of Max­well, Sir William Kircawdie Leard of Graunge, and diuerse other of the Scottish Nobility, attended with three hundred horse. After mutuall con­gratulations, the Scottish Lords departed for that night. The next day (beeing the first of A­prill) the Lord Lieutenant accompanied with Sir Iames Croft (an assistant vnto him in that charge) the Lord Scroope Lord Marshall, Sir George Howard (generall ouer the men of armes and demie-lances) with diuerse Captaines rode to Muskelbrugh Church, where the Scottish Duke (after some stay) intertained them, beeing accompanied with his Sonne the Earle of Ar­raine, the Earles of Arguile, Glencorne, Southerland Montieth and Rothes, the Prior of Saint Andrewes, the Lord Ruithuen, the Lord Ogletree, the Lord Boied, the Maister of Maxwell, the Leard of Or­mestone, the Master of Lindsey, the Bishop of Gal­loway, the Abbot of Saint Colmes-inch, the Abbot of Culrose, the Leards of Pettierowe, Cunningham­head, Grange, and diuerse other to the number of two hūdred horse. After many curteous embra­cings and kinde salutations, they spent two houres togither in Counsell, then brake vp and parted for that night.

The army lay still at Preston from Munday till Satterday, beeing the sixt of Aprill, to the [Page 366] end that in the meane season, the Scottish Lords might make triall once againe whether the Queene Regent (who now for her more saftie remained in Edenbrugh Castell) would bee drawne to any reasonable conditions of peace, to which ende they did write vnto her in man­ner following.

VVe haue often heretofore earnestly intrea­ted you, both by worde and wryting, that it would please you to remoue the French forces, which now for the tearme of one yeare more haue many waies intollerablie oppressed the poore, and put the whole Nation in feare of a most miserable bondage and thrawldome. But when we perceiued, that these our iust pe­titions did preuaile nothing with you, wee were then inforced (by way of complaint) to lay open our pitiful estate vnto our next Neigh­bour Prince, the Queene of England, and with teares to craue aide of her to repulse by force of armes (if otherwise it cannot bee) those strangers, that seeke to bring vs vnder their subiection. But although shee (being mooued with compassion ouer our calamities) will vndertake the defence of our cause: notwithstan­ding to the end wee may performe our duties towardes the Mother of our Queene, and (as much as wee may) refraine from the effusion of Christian bloud, and then onely to arme our [Page 367] selues, when otherwise wee cannot obtaine our right: wee held it our partes to beseech you againe and againe, that forth-with you will com­mand all the French forces to depart hence. For whose more speedie passage, the Queene of England will not onelie graunt them safe conduct, to passe thorowe her kingdome, but will presently take order they shalbe trans­ported by her nauie into France. If you make light reckning hereof, wee call God and man to witnesse, that wee haue not armed our selues vpon malice or stomacke, but are vn­willinglie and of meere necessitie inforced to aduenture vpon extreame remidies, least o­therwise wee suffer the common-weale, our selues, and all our posteritie to bee cast downe headlong, into an irrecouerable deapth of infinite calamities. Neither yet shall anie daunger whatsoeuer (though presentlie we sustaine much euill, and more is like to fall on vs) cause vs to depart from our dueties to our Queene, or to resist the King her hus­band in anie thing, which shall not mani­festlie tend to the eminent daunger and de­struction of our selues, our posterities, and ancient liberties. But (most gratious Prince) wee doe humblie againe beseech you, that weighing the equitie of our request, and foreseeing what euill maie ensue of VVarre, and howe necessary a thing Peace shall bee [Page 368] to the mis-affected estate of this your daughters kingdome: it would not displease you to con­firme your will to our iust petition, which if you do, you shall not onlie leaue to all Nations an acceptable memorie of the moderate car­riage of your selfe in place of gouernment, but thereby also giue tranquillitie and rest to the greatest part of Christendome.

Farewell.

At Dalkeith the fourth daie of Aprill. Anno. 1560.

These last wordes, in the shutting vp of the letter, were spoken (I take it) of the present e­state of Scotland touching Religion. For nowe had the better part of the Nobility taken vpon them the defence of the Preachers of the Gos­pell, wherevpon they were named the Lords of the Congregation. And this was the princi­pall occasion of these broiles betwixt the Queene Regent (who would haue maintained poperie) and those of the Nobility. How hono­rable and Christian a part was it then of the Queene of England, to interpose her selfe into so iust a quarrell, as is the defence of the most an­cient, apostolicall, and vndoubted Religion? and how much shall that Nation bee for euer bound vnto her Maiestie, for so inestimable a benefit, as thereby it hath hitherto happily enioyed? What answere the Queene made to the Lords I find not, but still one or other labored by all [Page 369] possible meanes, to worke a reconciliation, but al was in vaine, for the Queene would not yeeld to the sending away of the French forces, on which point the Lords stood stiflie. At the approach of the army to Lieth, on the sixt daie of Aprill, the Frenchmen to the number of thir­teene hundred, issuing out of the towne, tooke possession of a little Knole, (called the Halkes-hill) thereby to preuent the Englishmen from incamping there, but at length the enemy (with the losse of some seauen score men, was beaten backe to the very gates of the towne. Diuerse Englishmen were also slaine, and many more hurt, but if it had beene knowne, what aduan­tage was offred by the French, their whole pow­er (it was thought) might therby haue beene vt­terly ouerthrowne. VVhile the Lord Graie was at Muskelbrough, on his way thitherward, he sent Sir Iames Croft and Sir George Howard vn­to the Queene, to intreat an abstinence of warre for foure and twenty houres, that in the meane time he might make knowne vnto her the cause of his comming in that manner: and further that vpon some conditions hee would accept of peace. The Queene (consenting herevnto) sent an Harauld to Lieth to giue knowledge thereof, but whether the fault was in the messinger, or in the Frenchmen, the English armie was inforced to the fight: after which hee refused any more parliance. But proceeded to the siedge of [Page 370] Lieth, which was no lesse valiantly assailed by the English, then by the aduerse partie it was de­fended. During which, an accident happned in the towne, that more indangered and damnifi­ed the enemie in one night, then the assiliantes had done before in twentie. For on the last day of Aprill, about two hours before Sun-set, a so­daine fire arose in the towne, which beeing in­creased by an outragious winde then aloft, con­tinued till the next morning, hauing consumed a great part of the buildings, and amongst the rest certaine common Garners and Store-hou­ses, wherein was great prouision of corne and victualls. Neither were the Englishmen slowe in pursuing the aduantage thereof. For by re­mouing their great Ordinance on that side the towne, they beat backe those, which labored to quench the fire, and entring the ditches, tooke the height of the wall, and so egarly assaulted the breaches, that had not the Frenchmen fore-seene the danger they were falne into, and continew­ally applied their businesse, and stood to it man­fully on euery quarter, that nightes worke (as it was thought) would haue ended the warre for that time. The siedge continued neere sixe weekes longer, in which time many lost their liues on both sides. At one assault (which was the sharpest of all the rest) an eight score English­men were slaine outright, and not so few may­med and hurt. But still, thorow the especiall care [Page 371] and good fore-sight of the Duke of Northfolke (then appointed to remaine in the North-partes for the direction of this seruice) their wants whatsoeuer, were from time to time supplied. The French King, vnderstanding into what dis­tresse the towne was brought (for the Frenchmen were now worne & ouerweried with continuall watching & warding) sent two Ambassadors in­to England, County Randon and Monluc Bishop of Valence, to treat with the Queene for a peace with Scotland, his wiues kingdome. For hee held it an indgnity to seeke it at his subiects handes the Scottish Lords. Her Maiesty being not vn­willing to accept of any reasonable conditions, so as the French might be remoued, was content to associate vnto them Maister Secretary Cecill (afterwards Lord Burley and high Treasurer of England whilest he liued, mine honorable good Lord and Maister) and Doctor Wutton deane of Canterbury and Yorke. These passing togither in­to Scotland after some three weeke [...] trauell, con­cluded a peace on the eight day of Iuly follow­ing, which was immediatly proclaimed at Lieth in these words.

‘The most mighty Princesse Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England, France & Ire­land, defender of the faith &c. And the most Christian King Francis and Marie by the same grace of God, King and Queene of France and [Page 372] Scotland, haue accorded vpon a reconciliation peace and amity, to be inuiolably kept betweene them, their subiectes, kingdomes, and Coun­tries. And therefore in their names, it is streitly commanded to all manner of persones borne vnder their obedience, or being in their seruice, to forbeare all hostility, either by sea or land, and to keepe good peace each with other, from this time forwards, as they wil answere there-vnto at their vttermost perills.’

The most materiall articles were these: that all the Frenchmen should depart the Realme, with bagge and bagage, within the tearme of twentie daies next following. And because they wanted (at that present) shippes enough to receiue so great a number, the Queene of Eng­land should furnish them there-with, leauing be­hinde them pleadges for their safe returne. That Lieth should bee deliuered vp to the Scottes, the walles and fortifications about it raised and throwne downe. That the fortification erected by the Frenchmen, before the Castell of Dumbar, should be also cast downe. Thus much beeing performed on the French partie, the Englishmen should forth-with breake vp the siedge and de­part. That Mary Queene of Scottes, with the con­sent of her husband, should by an act made to that end, bury in obliuion all attempts and ac­tions done or interprised by the Scottish Lordes [Page 373] against their authoritie, from the tenth day of Marche, in the yeare 1558, to the first of August this present yeare 1560. which acte should bee ratified in Parliament then immedi­atlie to bee holden by the estates of Scotland, with the approbation and allowance of the said King and Queene of France and Scotland. That three-score French-men should still abide in the Ile of Iuskeith, and as many in the Castell of Dunbarre, least otherwise the Queene might seeme to bee dispossessed of the whole King­dome. Lastlie that the King and Queene of France and Scotland, should not from thence­forth vsurpe the title, or beare the Armes of England, sithence the same onely belonged of right to the Queene of England. Whilest these Ambassadours were passing into Scotland, the Queene Regent deceased at Edenbrough, which happily gaue readier dispatch to this businesse. Thus was that Nation disburthened of this seruitude to the Frenchmen, amongst whome Monsieur la Brosse (one of the chiefe Comman­ders vnder the Queene Regent) aduised his maister the French King (as by intercepting of his Letters was discouered) to haue brought the Nobilitie of Scotland to vtter destruction, and of their liuings and yearely reuenewes, to maintaine a thousand men of Armes, to keepe the commons in perpetuall bondage. At the Parliament holden in August following, the [Page 374] Acte of Obliuion (according to the former ar­ticles) was ratified, and the question of Religi­on debated, and there-vpon a confession of the faith established and published. Shortly after, the Earle of Morton, the Earle of Glencarne, and the young Leird of Ledington repayred to the English Court, in the behalfe of the o­ther Lords, to render thankes to the Queene of England for the great fauour her Maiestie had done them, in reducing their distressed countrie to a peaceable estate, for the which they ac­knowledged them-selues bound vnto her for euer. In December next, Francis the French King deceased, where-vpon Queene Mary retur­ned into Scotland, the twentith of August the Summer following, in the yeare 1561. 1561 Present­lie after William Metlaine was sent into England, to make knowne her safe arriuall, and to re­commend vnto her Maiestie most kinde saluta­tions from the Queene his Mistresse, and her great desire to continue amitie and concorde betweene their kingdomes.

Then hee presented to her letters from the Lords, wherein after a due remembrance of thankefulnesse for the late receiued fauours, they humbly intreated her Maiestie, not onely to carry her selfe in such sort towards their Queene, that shee might there-by bee mooued to continue amitie with her: but that it would please her, by as straight bands as possiblie [Page 375] might bee, still to binde her more and more vnto her, promising that for their parts they would let slippe no occasion, as farre as it re­sted in their powers where-by to perpetuate the late league betweene the two nations. Fur­ther that the most assured meane, where-by to bury in perpetuall obliuion the memorie of all former dissention, and clearlie to take away all occasion of future quarrell rested herein, that it would please her by acte of Parliament to establish the succession of the crowne of Eng­land (for want of issue of her owne body) vpon the Queene their Mistresse, who in bloud was next vnto it: Hauing prooued by sundry argu­ments and examples, that this their request was both iust and agreeable to the practise of the Kings ouer both these nations in former times, hee concluded that their Queene expected that fauour at her hands. Here-vnto the Queene of England answered. I looked for another kinde of Ambassage from your Queene, I maruell shee hath forgotten, what at length shee promised before her departure out of France, which was to ratifie the peace made at Leeth, and that immediatly after her returne into Scotland, I should bee certified thereof.

I haue now long enough (said her Maiestie) beene fed with faire words, it is high time (if your Queene regard her credit with vs) that her deeds be answerable ther-vnto. The Ambassador [Page 376] in her excuse answered, that he was sent out of Scotland within few dayes after their Queenes returne: that she had not then entred into the handling of any matter of State, but was who­lie busied in giuing intertainement to the No­blemen, for the more part vnknowne vnto her: neither were they all come at his departure, whose aduice it was fitte shee should vse in a matter of that importance (especially touch­ing the establishing of Religion, which how difficult a point it was, shee her selfe knew by experience) and without whose consents shee neither could nor ought to conclude of any thing. The Queene of England beeing heere-with more mooued, replyed. What needeth (I pray you) any further consultation to effect that, where-vnto your Queene hath already bound her selfe by her hand and seale? what an­swere I should make here-vnto (sayd hee) for the present I know not, hauing receiued no warrant here-in from our Queene, who looked not that this point should haue beene so farre vrged now. This is all I can say vnto it: Your Maiestie may easilye see, what iust occasion shee now hath, to deferre that businesse vntill a more conuenient time, when as I doubt not, but you shall bee better satisfied. After some further speech, her Maiestie comming to the most materiall point of this ambassage, I well remember (saith shee) what you haue deliuered [Page 377] vnto vs, in your Oration from the Nobilitie of Scotland, in the behalfe of your Queene. First that shee is the next vnto vs in bloud, and therefore I should shew greatest affection and loue to­wards her, which wee neither will nor can denie. For the whole world can witnesse with vs, that in all our actions we neuer attempted any thing against the good and safetie of her selfe or of her kingdome; that when she claimed and chalenged our kingdome, and vsurped the armes of the same, yet neuer-the-lesse wee could not bee per­swaded, but that it proceeded rather from some bad counsell about her, then from her selfe. But how-so-euer it was, wee hope shee shall not bee able to take our Crowne from vs, or from my issue, if I leaue any such to succeed vs. If I dye with-out children, shee shall not finde any thing done by vs, that may preiudice her right to the Crowne of England. What that is, wee neuer yet thought it needfull to examine, neither purpose wee heere-after to trouble our selfe there-with-all, but wee leaue it to them, to whom it pertaineth to looke vnto it.

If your Queenes title bee good, wee will no way impaire the same. And I call GOD to witnesse that for our part, wee knowe none, next my selfe, whome I preferre therein be­fore her, or (if the matter should come in que­stion) can exclude her. Who bee the compe­titours you knowe (sayd shee) well enough. [Page 378] But what are they (poore soules) to attempt a thing so farre aboue their strength? After some speach more of the meane estate of those Ladies (all being the issue of the Lady Mary, second Daughter to King Henry the seauenth) at length she concluded, that this their request was a mat­ter of a very great weight, and that she had neuer yet entred into any due consideration thereof, and therefore it was requisite, shee should haue longer time to thinke better of it. After some few dayes, shee called the Ambassadour againe vnto her, and told him, shee could not finde out, what the meaning of the Lords was, to make this petition so presently after their Queenes returne home, especially knowing, that the occa­sion of the former greeuances was not yet taken away, what other thing is it (said she) they re­quire, but that not-with-standing the manifest wrong offered vs, we should without further sa­tisfaction, gratifie their Queene in yeelding to a point of that importance? if they take this course (said she) let them know, that we haue as good meanes as they, both at home and abroad, whereby to hold our right. The Am­bassadour answered, that their desire herein pro­ceeded from a care they had, not onely to fur­ther the aduancement of their Queene: but, that which touched them nearer, ouer their own estates, which by any trouble arising hereafter there-about, might happily fall into danger of [Page 379] an vtter ruine. That the Lords were imboldned the more freely and plainly to impart their mindes vnto her, by the experience they haue had of her Maiesties good affection towards them, and of the care shee had alwayes shewed ouer the continuance of their present estates, and therefore hee hoped, shee would make the best constructions of their meanings towards her, in this their petition, proceeding vpon so necessary considerations. If wee had (said she) attempted any thing, hurtfull to your Queenes title, then had they had good cause to haue moo­ued vs to take some other more moderate re­uenge. But to perswade me to haue (as it were) my winding sheete layde before me, while I liue, is such a petition, as was neuer yet made to any Prince. Neuer-the-lesse wee doe not mislike their honest meaning herein, eyther in respect of the good towards their Queene or them­selues. For, wee must confesse, it would cost many men on both sides their liues, if happily any aduerse partie amongst those competi­tours should oppose her selfe against your Queene. But who should shee bee? or what meanes can shee make?

Well, letting this doubt passe, wherein there is no doubt to bee made, admit wee were incli­nable vnto that they desire, would wee, thinke you, be drawne vnto it, thereby to gratifie those Noblemen, rather then your Queene her selfe? [Page 380] surely no. But there bee many moe reasons then yet I haue made, to keepe vs from yeelding there-vnto. After shee had in a long discourse declared, what shee had obserued both particu­lerlie in the disposition of her owne subiects: and more generally in the corrupt nature of man-kind, and with-all had alledged sundrie ex­amples in other Christian kings, how iealous they haue beene euen ouer their owne children, who by the lawes of God and Nature, were to succeed them: shee concluded, that by them she was taught, how dangerous a point it was to make their Queene her knowne heire to the Crowne of England, the more in that she was al­readie a mighty Princesse of her selfe, and there­fore she should with the more difficultie, vpon such a grounded hope, containe her selfe with-in the due bondes of lawe and equitie. Vpon fur­ther conference with her Maiestie at another time, the Ambassadour at length obtained, that the former treatie of Peace, and the articles then set downe, should bee retracted, and inlarged in this maner. That the Queene of Scots should no longer beare the armes of England, nor vsurpe the title of Queene ouer the same, during the life of the Queene of England, or of her issue after her. On the other-side, that the Queene of Eng­land should promise and couenant for her selfe, and her issue after her, that neither shee, nor they should make or do any act, that might preiudice [Page 381] the claime and right of succession, which the Queene of Scots hath to the Crowne of England.

In like maner, when as after the broiles in Scotland, which followed the detestable murthers of King Henry, the Queene of Scottes her second husband, Father to the King that now raigneth, and of the Earle of Murrey their Regent, they of her faction (shee being then fled into England for her more safetie, and remaining there in a fa­uourable kinde of captiuitie) practised her de­liuerance, by stirring vp a dangerous rebellion in the North parts of England, and that the prin­cipall conspirators the two Earles of Northum­berland and Westmerland were fled into Scotland, and harbored there: the Queene of England be­ing moued there-vnto, as well in respect of her owne safety, as of the tender and motherly care, she had ouer the Infant King her neere kinsman, whose life was brought thereby into no lesse danger then her owne: her Maiestie was easilie drawne by the intreatie of the Scottish Nobilitie of that faction, to take vpon her the defence and protection of them and that kingdome, against the common enimies and disturbers of the peaceable and quiet estate, of the one and other Nation, who (besides their priuie practises) had also by open hostilitie and inuasion, prouoked her Maiestie to take armes against them. For euen the next night, after the Regent was slaine, [Page] Walter Scotte, and Thomas Carre [...] [...]miherste, at the instigation especially of the Archbishop of Saint Andrewes, entred the English borders, and in outragious manner, with fire and sword, wasted and spoyled the countrie adioyning. Neither were the aduersaries satisfied with this, and the like displeasures sundry times after­wards, but they were not ashamed with most despightfull tearmes to reproach her Maiestie. Of this faction, the Hamiltons were the princi­pall heads and leaders, not so much (as it was thought) for any good meaning towards the Scottish Queene, whose party they would seeme to take, but rather by bringing her againe into Scotland: they hoped to worke the destruction both of the Mother and Sonne, and there-by to set the Crowne of Scotland vpon some of their owne heads, pretending to bee next in bloud after them to the same. The Queene of England being thus prouoked to reuenge, by her aduer­saries on the one side, and on the other side in­treated by her well-willers, to ioyne with them against those, who were enimies both to her and their owne King, commanded the Earle of Sussex (Lord Lieutenant then of the North parts) to gather such forces there, as he thought con­uenient, where-with-all to enter into Scot­land, so as on the eighteenth day of Aprill, in the yeare 1570. 1570 that realme was together in­uaded from all the three English Marches. The [Page 383] principall Armie was conducted by the Lord Lieutenant himself, accompanied with the Lord Hunsden Gouernor of Barwick, and Sir William Drewrie Marshall there. The next was lead by Sir Iohn Foster warden of the middle Marches: the third by the Lord Scroope warden of the West Marches. The two former, entring into Tiuidale, wasted and destroyed what-so-euer stood in their way, vntill they met at Crawling, where they also rased the Castell. Frō thence passing to Iedworth, they were so well intertained, that in requitall thereof, they forbare to doe any harme there. Departing thence, the Armie sundry times de­uided it selfe, the more to afflict the countries where they passed: Vpon the two and twentith of the same moneth they returned together to Barwick.

The Lord Scroope, in the meane time, with his people, hauing ranged the enimies Countries, as farre well neere as Domfries, gaue them sun­drie ouer-throwes, tooke many prisoners, bur­ned diuers Townes, and returned also in safe­tie. In these iourneyes, aboue fiftie Castells and places of strength, and not so few as three hundred Townes, Villages, and dwellings, were rased, burned, and spoiled: so as none well neere in all those parts, who had either receiued the English rebels, or had by inuasion indamaged the borders of Englād, had left vnto them, dwellings [Page] for them-selues or their followers, besides the great losse of their goods wasted, consumed, or caryed away by the Englishmen. During these exploits, the Marches of England were on euery side so garded by the Lord Euers, Sir George Bowes, and the Bishoprick-men, as the enimie durst not once offer, to carry so much as a Cowe out of England. The Lord Generall, hauing stai­ed three dayes at Berwicke for the refreshing of his armie, and making preparation for the siedge of Hume Castell, hee then assailed the same so egerlie, that within three dayes more it was sur­rendred. This Castell was committed to the cu­stodie of Captaine Wood and Captaine Pickman, with whom leauing a garrison of two hundred souldiers, hee returned againe to Berwicke. At this siedge but foure were slaine on both sides, two English and two Scottishmen. The fourth of May, the Lord Generall lying sicke at Berwicke, sent Maister Drewrie with some two thousand men, to take Fast Castell, which vpon the first summons yeelded it selfe; it was kept by halfe a score Scottes, and committed to the custody of as many Englishmen, who were thought able e­nough to hold it against all the powre of Scot­land, the same by scituation was naturally so strong. The Generall at his returne made him Knight, together with Sir Thomas Manners, bro­ther to the Earle of Rutland, Sir George Cary, now Lord Hunsdon, and Sir Robert Constable. [Page 385] While these things were in doing, the Earle of Lennox, being ther-vnto ernestly labored by the Lords of the Kings party his country-men, ob­tained leaue of the Queene of England. (where hee then remained) to ioyne with them in the King his grand-childs quarrell. But because the aduerse partie had gotten such head (whilest that Realme was without a head) that with his safety he could not passe alone vnto thē: it plea­sed her Maiesty (such desire she had to aduance the good estate of that Nation) not only to safe-conduct him th [...]ther, but also to giue him such aide, as hee should not stand in feare of the ma­lice of his enemies. For Sir William Drewrie Generall, with the other three new made knights, and certaine companies of horse and foote-men, to the number of sixteene hundred in the whole, setting forth of Berwicke togither with the Earle and his Scottish retinewe, on the twelfth day of May, made so good speede (the foote-men beeing a daies iorney before them) that on the next day they came to Edenbrough, where they found there confederates the Scot­tish Lords, amongst whom the Earles of Morton, Mar and Glencarne were the principall. In the meane while for the better assurance of such couenants, as were agreed vnto by those Lords (at whose intreaty also this aide was granted) certaine hostages were sent into England. The Duke of Chateau, & his adherents of the aduerse [Page] partie, hearing of the approach of the English­men, was latelie departed thence, and had dis­missed his armie, hauing first attempted and failed of the taking of the Castell of Glascoe with some losse of his men, but more of his honour. The matter of greatest importāce atcheeued by the Englishmen and Scots there associates, at this iorney, was the taking of Hamilton Castell, which was presētly raised. The towne of Lithquo (which had bin a great enemy to the Kings par­ty) at the ernest intreaty of the Earle of Morton, was neuerthelesse spared, the Dukes house only excepted. Here was the Earle of Murrey (late Regent of Scotland) despightfully murthered, by Iames Hamilton of Bedwell, for the which it de­serued the lesse fauor. But such was the compas­sion of this worthy Gentleman, ouer the peni­tent offenders, both now and before, that a Scot­tish writer hath brought him into some suspiti­on of ouer much partiality towards the aduer­saries, although the same Author cōfesseth that the Englishmen in all this iorney spared neither the goods, lands nor houses of any of the Hamil­tons, or other that were either suspected of con­federacy with the murtherer of the Regent, or had receiued into their protection any of the English rebells, especially all along the tract of the riuer of Cloid, where for the most part their possessiōs lay. The beginning of the next month, the Englishmen returned to Berwicke, & the Scots [Page 387] their confederates, each man to his owne house. Shortly after the Queene of England recōmen­ding vnto the Scottish Nobility, the fidelity and trust, they might safely repose in the Earle of Lennox, therevpon by generall consent (where before hee was intituled Lord Gouernour, or Lieutenant of Scotland) they made him their Re­gent, the rather (as it seemeth) because the Earle of Huntley had a little before taken vpon him the Lieutenantship of that Realme, in the name and behalfe of the Scottish Queene, & had also sum­moned a Parliament to be holden at Lithquoe in September following. In the meane time the Earle of Sussex & the Lo. Scroope were sent again into Scotland, with certaine bands of horsmen & footmen, to pursue the English rebells, where ha­uing as before made great spoile at Dumfrees & other places, as far as the Castell of Carlauerock (which they blew vp) after sixe daies they retur­ned to Carliele on the eight and twentith day of August, where the Earle made these knights for their good seruice at this iorney. Sir Edward Hastings brother to the Earle of Huntington. Sir Francis Russell Sonne to the Earle of Bedford, Sir Valentine Browne, Sir William Halton, Sir Robert Stapleton, Sir Henrie Curwin, and Sir Symond Musgraue. For aboue two yeares af­ter this, no further aide was sent out of England by reason (I take it) her Maiesty and the counsell were wholie busied, in the discouerie of the [Page] secret and dangerous practice of Thomas Lord Howard, Duke of Norfolke, in contriuing marri­age with the Scottish Queene, for the which hee was now againe the second time (hauing before beene deliuered thence) cōmitted to the Towre of London, where he remained prisoner from the seuenth of September till the thirteenth of Ia­nuary following, on which day he was arraigned in VVestminster-hal, before George Lord Talbote Earle of Shrewsbury (high Steward of England for that day) and there by his Peeres found gilty of high treason, and according to the iudgment passed vpon him, was beheaded on the Tower-hill, betweene seauen and eight of the clock in the morning, the secōd day of Iune in the yeare. 1572. 1572 It was great pittie this good Duke was so bewitched by the Babilonian Circe, that man of Rome, and his agentes, as that he could not fore­see the danger, whereinto he was falne by vn­dertaking that vnhappy enterprice, who if hee had beene better aduised, might long haue con­tinewed a principall piller of our common weale. On the 22. of August following Thomas Lord Percy Earle of Northumberland, hauing be­fore beene attainted of high treason by Parlia­ment, as being one of the principal conspirators in the late rebellion, and now brought out of Scotland whether he was fled, was likewise be­headed at Yorke, about two of the clock in the after noone. But Charles Neuil Earle of Westmer­land [Page 389] his associate in the said rebellion, finding no safety for him-selfe in Scotland, got ouer into the low-countries, where he liued a long time after. While these things thus passed in England, the aduerse faction of Scotland (who were the fewell of this fire) ceased not in their accustomed ma­ner still to crosse the proceedings of the Lords of the Kings party: for the Earle of Lennox en­ioyed not the Regencie hardly one yeare, before he and the rest of his adherents, were sodenly set vpon by their aduersaries at Striueling, where, before the Earle could bee rescued out of their hands, he was so wounded by the shot of a Pisto­let, that hee died thereof the same night. After whose death the Lords made choise of the earle of Marre to succeed him in that dignitie. The Queene of England still laboured by all good meanes to accord these iarres in Scotland, but it would not preuaile, by reason the French king neuer ceased to animate and incourage the Scot­tish Queenes partie to stand out, who from the death of the earle of Murrey was possessed of the Towne and Castell of Edenbrough, the strongest hold and chiefe towne of that realme. For the re­couery hereof, the Queene of England was en­treated by the other party, to assist them with some competent forces. Here-vpon Sir William Drewry was once againe sent into Scotlād accom­panied with Sir Francis Russell, Captaine Read, Captaine Erington maister of the Ordinance and Prouost Marshall, Captaine Pikeman, Captaine [Page 390] Gamme, Captaine Wood, Captaine Case, Captain St [...]rrey, and Thomas B [...]rton, to whose charge was committed one thousand Souldiers, three hun­dred Pioners, and certaine peeces of batterie, viz sixe double Canons, foureteene whole Cul­uerings, two Sacres, two mortuis peeces, and two Bombards. Certaine other Gentlemen, ac­companied the Generall, as voluntary follow­ers: namely, Sir George Carie, Sir Henry Ley, Maister Thomas Cecill (now Lord Burghleigh) Maister Michell Carie, Henrie Carie, William Knowles, Thomas Sutton: Cotton, Kelloway, Dyer, Tilney, William Killigrew, William Selbie, and o­thers. The Englishmen beeing come to Eden­brough, some foure or fiue bands of the Scottish­men ioyned with them, and brought three or foure peeces [...] of Artillarie. The footmen ha [...]ing without r [...]sistance entred the Towne, the Canon from the Castell was sundry times discharged vpon them, but did no harme, saue­ing by beating vp the Stones in the streete [...] Brickman was thereby hurt in the face. The same day the Castell was summoned by a Messenger of Armes, in maner following.

Sir William Ker [...]andie, some times of Grange Knight. For as much as the Queenes Maiestie (my Soueraigne Lady) [...] the earnest request of her deere Cousin the King of Scottes your Soue­raigne Lord, made to her Highnesse by his R [...] ­ [...] Nobilitie, and [...] of the realme, after all good meanes vsed by [...]reaty to haue reduced [Page 391] you to dutiful obedience of his authority, which hitherto you haue not duly harkned vnto, to the onely hinderance of the vniuersall peace in this realme, by with-holding this his Highnesse Ca­stell, meaning (as it seemeth) to reserue the same for a receptacle of forraine forces, to the mani­fest danger of this realme, & of my Soueraigne, and therefore necessarily to be in time remoued: for which consideration her Maiestie hath sent her aide and succours of Men, Ordinance & Mu­nition, vnder my charge and leading for the ex­pugnation and recouerie of the said Castell, to the said Kings vse and behoofe. And therefore according to her Maiestes commandement and commission, this shall be in due maner to warne, require, and summon you, that you render & de­liuer the said Castell, with all the Ordinance, Ar­tillary, Munition, Iewels, houshold stuffe, & such other implements within the same to me, to the vse and behoofe of the King your Soueraigne & his Regent in his name, immediatly after this my letter of Sōmons, or knowledge of the same shal come vnto you; which if you obey (as of dutie you ought) then will I, in her Maiesties name, enterpose my selfe to trauell with the Regent, Counsel, & Nobility here, for the safety of your liues. But otherwise if you continue in your for­mer obstinacie abiding the Canon, thē looke for no further grace. But you & the rest within that Castel shalbe pursued to the vttermost, & holdē as enimies to his maiesty your owne soueraigne [Page] and Country General Ed [...] [...]gh, by me Willi­ [...] [...]y Knight, General of her Maiesties for­ces now in Scotland, this 25. day of April in the yeare 1573. 1573 Notwithstanding this Sommons, the Captaine vtterly refused to yeeld vp the Castell, wherevpon as well the defendants with­in, as the assailants without, prepared all things where-with on the one side to repulse, & on the other to expulse one the other. But the Cannon was so well applied by the Englishmen, that the enemy was forced to a parley, wher-vpō on the third day following, being the 28. of May, the Castell was surrendred into the hands of the Generall, and his Ensigne was erected in sundry places thereof, vntill he deliuered the same ouer againe, to the vse of the King of Scottes, togi­ther with the prisoners taken therein, namelie Sir William Kerkandy the Captaine, the Lord [...], the Lord of Ledington Secretary; the [...] of Peterro Constable of the Castell; the Countesse of Arguile, the Lady of Ledington and the Lady of Grange. The priuate souldiers & o­ther their seruants were licenced to depart with bagge and baggage. This Castell was neuer be­fore taken by force, the same beeing alwaies thought of such impregnable strength, thorow the naturall scituation thereof, as by no engine and deuice it could possible bee atchieued. But what can now withstand the force of the Can­non if the same be subiect to battery?

Since that time, now for these thirty yeares wel-nere, nothing of importance hath bin attēp­ted by the one or other Nation, to the breach of the most happy peace and concord betweene them. Though (it may bee) some turbulent and vnquiet spirits, did what they could, vpon the execution of the Scottish Queene in the yeare 1587. 1587 to incite and stir vp the King her Son, to take offence thereat, not for any good meaning towards his Maiesty, but rather therby to bring him into disgrace, at the least (if not into a fur­ther mischiefe) with the Queene of England. But the Lord God did giue his Maiesty grace to car­ry himselfe more warily. For though good na­ture might worke in his Maiesty a due commi­seration ouer the Queene his mother her lamē ­table end: yet wel weighing the quality & mea­sure of her offence, the lawful & orderly procee­ding against her, (hauing receiued an honorable trial by sixe & thirty of the greatest and grauest personages of this realme) and considering how much her life afterwards would preiudice, not only the safety of the two royall persons, but withal the quiet estate of the whole Island: the most prudent King wel ore-saw, what wrong he might haue wrought vnto himselfe by entring into any violent course It was apparent enough to the whole world, how the King of Spaine, by his subtile agents the Iesuits, neuer ceased while the Queene his Mother liued, vnder pretence to set her at liberty for the aduācement of Popery, [Page] to [...] [...]p sondry wickedly disposed persons, to [...]y murthering handes vpon Queene Elizabeth, [...] by treachery to bereaue vs of her. This if by any me [...]nes hee could haue brought to passe (from which the Lord God did euer deliuer her) his ambition was such, that hee would vn­doubtedly haue done his best to haue set the Crowne of England on his owne head, or else haue bestowed it on his Daughter the Infant of Spaine, whome a principall member of that seditious fraternity hath since by publique [...]iting intituled vnto it.Parsons. This was so well knowne to King Iames, as that not long after, his Maiesty gaue commandeme [...] by open Proclamation to all his subiects o [...] Scotland, to repute and hold King Philippe of Spaine, as great an enemie to him and his estate, both pre­sent and in exspectance, as to the Queene of England, when in the yeare next following, that his inuincible Nauie (as it was tearmed) attempted the conquest of this Land. But what successe the same had, his Maiesty hath committed to eternall memorie in this his ele­gant poesie.

The Nations banded gainst the Lord of might,
Prepared a force, and for them to the way.
Mars drest himselfe in s [...] [...] [...]awfull plight,
The like whereof was neuer [...] (they say)
They forward [...] in [...] way.
[...] Sea and Land beset vs e [...]rywhere,
[Page 395]
Brags threatned vs a ruinous decay
What came of that the issue did declare.
The windes began to tosse them here and there.
The seas begun in foming waues to swell,
The number that escap'd, it fell them faire:
The rest were swallowed vp in gulfes of hell.
But how were all these things miraculous done?
God lookes at them out of his Heauenly Throne.

How truely and Christanly these two most worthy Princes loued one the other, while they lyued togither, well appeareth not onely by the continuance of an assured peace and concord betweene these their two kingdomes: but also by the manifold blessings, that haue beene there­by heaped vpon vs their subiects. For when did these two Nations euer before, inioye the like felicity, as they haue done vnder their Kinglie Soueraignty? This may appeare the more ad­mirable, if we consider the sexe of the one, and the longe and dangerous mimority and no­nage of the other. But it hath pleased the e­ternall God (according to the saying of the Apostle) by the weake things of the world to confound and bring to naught the mighty and powerfull malice of his enemies and ours. For how often haue they both (but especially her Maiesty) miraculously escaped the treacherous attempts of their bloudy aduersary, that Anti­christian Romish Sinagoge?

Queene Elizabeth hauing liued well neere threescore and ten yeares, and happily raigned aboue forty foure, exchanged (I doubt not) this her earthly, and transitory Crowne, for an im­mortall and heauenly Diadem, on the foure and twentith day of March in the yeare 1602. 1602 Here-vpon King Iames, not many houres after her death, was proclaimed in London (and else where ouer the whole realme, with as much speed as possible might be) the onely lawfull, lineall, and rightfull King of England, France and Ireland, with as great ioy and generall applause of all estates, as the fresh remembrance of the late losse of such a gracious Princesse, would in true loue and loyaltie admit & tollerate in a subiect.

God grant his Maiestie may haue a long and prosperous raigne, and maintaine amongst vs the profession of that vndoubted Christian faith and true Religion, wherein both his Maiestie himselfe, and the young Prince of Scotland his sonne (eight yeares old the nineteenth day of February last) haue beene baptized, by and in the name of Queene Elizabeth, eight and twentie yeares one after the other.

FINIS.

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